Mo-My

 MOAB (מואב, progeny of the father).   A state in Transjordan immediately east

        of the southern half of the Dead Sea.  According to Genesis 19, the ances-

        tor of the Moabites was Moab, son of Lot and of the older of his 2 daugh-

        ters, born in the hills above Zoar.  No other mention is made of this ances-

        tor of the Moabites.

                   List of Topics:  1.  Geography      2.  History:  Prebib- 

        lical-Bronze Age      3.  History:  Iron Age;     4.  History:  

        Exodus       5.  History: Judges Period     6.  History:  The 

        United Monarchy      7.  History: Divided Kingdom and

        King Mesha of Moab       8.  History:  Assyrians Period and

        Moab's Decline

                   1.  Geography—Moab consisted of the high gently rolling plateau

        east of the Dead Sea, about 900 meters above sea level and 1,300 meters 

        above the Dead Sea.   The largest extent of Moab was 96 km, a little bit 

        more than the entire length of the Dead Sea, but in times of weakness the 

        northern section was lost, & the remaining distance was 56km.  The east-

        west extent was 40 km.  The rather narrow north-south strip is well watered

        and produces fine crops of grain.  Everywhere there are sheep, as there 

        were when Mesha was royal sheep-master to the king of Israel.

                   On the west the descent from the plateau to the Dead Sea is very  

        steep. There is no continuous route along the shore as deep, narrow gor-

        ges cut into the cliffs from the east-west rivers emptying into the Dead 

        Sea.  The largest of these is the River Arnon, which enters the Dead Sea 

        around its mid-point.   About 2/3 of the way south along the shore, a 

        broad peninsula, called the Lisan, extends into the sea.  The remaining 

        5 km to the west shore used to be fordable.  

                   The small plain lying at the foot of the plateau by the Lisan is wa-

        tered by the Wadi Kerak and other streams.  The biblical brook Zered 

        forms a very definite southern boundary for Moab.  Through most of its 

        course the Wadi Hesa flows through a great canyon with very high and 

        steep banks.  Farther east the valley becomes more shallow and more 

        easily crossed. 

                   The eastern boundary of Moab was less definitely marked.  The 

        land gradually becomes too dry for practical occupation, but there is 

        no precise point where this stage is reached.  Many of the eastern border

        fortresses were located in areas beyond the limit of cultivation.  The nor-

        thern border of Moab fluctuated greatly with Moab’s changing fortunes. 

        The ideal border may be identified with a line 6 or 8 km north of the 

        Dead Sea; Moab’s border varied between here and the River Arnon, 40  

        km further south. 

                   A rather notable area was the “Plains of Moab,” a rich and compa-

        ratively well-watered district along the River Jordan; several important 

        cities were located there.  The area figures often in Israelite history, espe-

        cially in the period of the Exodus.  Judging from the intensity of cultiva-

        tion, a figure of 450,000 people for all of Transjordan in Iron Age I-II has

        been suggested, roughly 100,000-150,000 of them being Moabites.

                   2.  History: Prebiblical-Bronze Age—The most conspicuous pre-

        biblical remains are the numerous fields of dolmens and menhirs.  A dol-

        men is a structure of massive stone slabs which form the walls and roof 

        of a chamber or of chambers.  A menhir is a great standing stone; often 

        several are set up in a row or circle like Stonehenge.  At Khirbet Iskander,

        about 22 km east of the Dead Sea, there are many menhir circles and 

        large standing or fallen menhirs.  The circles range from 1.5 to 5.5 meters

        in diameter.  An unusually extensive dolmen field exists in a valley near 

        the northern end of the Dead Sea.  In an area of about 5 square km, 162 

        dolmens have been examined.  

                   At the end of the Early Bronze Age there was an intensive seden-

        tary occupation in Moab.  Large, firmly established farming communities

        represent a highly advanced civilization.  Large fields were walled in and

        cultivated.  The fortification of cities was for protection against neighbors

        as much as it was protection against foreign enemies.  Careful use was 

        made of water and land.  For example, three sites were found on the steep

        slopes leading down from the Moabite Plateau to the Wadi Hesa. 

                   Khirbet Iskander is a typical Early Bronze site.  It is a large low, 

        completely destroyed mound.  The western section of the site is enclosed 

        by the remnants of a strong wall with large square towers at each corner.  

        At this time, there was a well-defined north-south trade route through cen-

        tral Transjordan.   When an army led by Chedorlaomer moved down this 

        route, it was able to conquer the fortified sites one by one. 

                   This sedentary civilization in Moab and southern Transjordan gene-

        rally ended around the 1900s B.C.  From this time to after 1300 the area 

        was peopled by nomads.  The reason for the break was political and eco-

        nomic factors.  There was increasing pressure by Amorite nomads in the 

        Fertile Cresent.  The effective settlement of the Amorite nomads in Meso-

        potamia did not begin until the fall of the third dynasty of Ur, around 1950.

        In Moab, the inhabitants continued a nomadic life until the 1200s.

                   The long period without sedentary occupation in southern Transjor-

        dan closed at the very end of the Late Bronze Age in the 1200s B.C. The 

        nomads settled down, and the kingdoms of Moab, Edom and Ammon a-

        rose.  The first mention of Moab comes from the lists of Rameses II (1290-

        1224) at Luxor.   At the time the Israelites passed through, the Moabites 

        probably exhibited a mixture of semi-nomadic and sedentary culture, fee- 

        ling strong attachment to their territory and bitter resentment toward any 

        encroachment upon it.

                   3.  History:  Iron Age—The Iron Age kingdom of Moab was defen-

        ded by a very strong system of fortresses.  The King’s Highway crossed the

        Wadi Hesa about 27 km east of its outlet into the Dead Sea.  To guard the 

        area was the fortress Medeiyineh.  Guarding Moab's southwest corner was 

        a strong walled fortress, Dhubab.  On a completely isolated hill on the pla-

        teau proper was Medhinet er-Ras.

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                   To guard against invasion from the desert, the eastern border of   

        Moab was guarded even more strongly than the southern border.  The 

        southernmost was Mahaiy, which commanded a clear view of the desert  

        areas to the east and the northeast.  North of Mahaiy was a carefully 

        worked-out and well-integrated system of fortresses, many within sight 

        of one another.   On almost every rise in the entire district are the re-

        mains of a large or small watchtower.  

                   The line of fortification continues north along the entire eastern 

        border of Moab.  Since the northern boundary of Moab fluctuated more 

        than the eastern and the southern, the border defenses are not so clear.  

        Practically every site throughout the land consisted of a great fortress, 

        about which the dwellings of the inhabitants clustered.  The land was 

        cultivated outside, and the inhabitants returned every night.

                   An important difference between the Iron Age culture and that of 

        Early Bronze involved water.  By the Iron Age the technique of construc-

        ting watertight cisterns by the use of plaster made with slaked lime had 

        been developed.  Often cisterns were located on the top or sides of the hill

        on which a settlement was built.  Many were hewn directly from the natu-

        ral rock.  King Mesha’s capital city of Dibon was found to contain no 

        fewer than 67 cisterns on the northern mound and 30 more on the sides of 

        the wadi.

                   In 1930 a stele was discovered at Balu’ah near the midpoint of the 

        Dead Sea.  The figure on the left of the stele is a god, wearing the crown 

        of Upper and Lower Egypt; that on the right is a goddess.  Whereas there 

        was no distinguishable difference between the Early Bronze pottery of eas-

        tern and western Palestine, there are enough unique qualities to put the 

        Transjordan pottery of Moab in a class of its own.  In this period the atten-

        tion of Transjordan was focused to the north and south and not to the west.

        And we find that the Iron Age civilization was no less developed than that 

        in western Palestine.

                   4.  History: Exodus—Moab came on the biblical scene next at the 

        time of the Exodus.  It was the early and smaller Iron Age kingdom which  

        the Israelites encountered in Moab; the Amorites controlled the northern 

        section of the country.  The Amorite King Sihon ruled the territory from 

        the Jabbok to the Arnon, and was commonly known as King of Heshbon.

                   It is difficult to trace the precise course of events as the Israelites 

        moved through the Transjordan.   The chief passages about Israel’s dea-

        lings with Moab are:  Numbers 21-33; Deuteronomy 2; and Judges 11.  

        First, the Israelites have detoured around Edom and encamped at Oboth.  

        They crossed the Arnon, arriving at the “valley lying in the region of 

        Moab by the top of Pisgah (just east of the northern tip of the Dead Sea).”

                   Next, Numbers 21 relates the Israelite victories over the 2 Amorite 

        kings Sihon and Og.  According to Jephthah’s message, the kings of Edom 

        and Moab refused to let the Israelites pass through their lands.  Israel then

        journeyed around Edom and Moab, and used the victories over Sihon and 

        Og to gain access to Canaan.   The Israelites had been forbidden to con-

        tend with Moab, because God had “given Ar to Lot's sons for a posses-

        sion.”  Also, no Moabite may “enter the assembly of the Lord; even to the 

        10th generation.”   These prohibitions illustrate that Moab and Israel are 

        always felt to be related peoples.

                   The Israelites then proceeded down to their encampment in the 

        Plains of Moab.   The King of Moab, Balak, son of Zippor, sent messen-

        gers to Balaam, son of Beor, inviting him to come and curse Israel; the re-

        sult was a blessing upon Israel, instead of a curse.  While Israel was en-

        camped at Shittim, the people entered into illicit relations with Moabite 

        women, and Israel “yoked himself to Baal of Peor.”  The offenders were 

        slain, and a plague came upon Israel in punishment.   

                   The tribes of Reuben and Gad were attracted by the territory in 

        Transjordan, including the northern section of Moab.  After arranging that

        their men of war should assist the rest of Israel west of the Jordan, the as-

        signment was made.   At the close of the Israelite stay in the Plains of 

        Moab, Joshua was commissioned as Moses’ successor; Moses viewed the 

        land from Mt. Nebo, near the northernmost extent of Moab and died.  

        Moses was buried “in the valley in the land of Moab opposite Beth-peor.”

                   5.  History: Judges Period— For a time in the period of the Israe-

        lite judges, Moab must have regained most, if not all, of its northern terri-

        tory.  Eglon, king of Moab allied himself with the Ammonites and the Ama-

        lekites, and they took the “city of palms” (Jericho). Moab extended from 

        near the southern end of the Dead Sea to just north of the northern end.  

        For 18 years the Israelites east and west of the Jordan are said to have 

        served Eglon.   Ehud, a Benjaminite, assassinated Eglon.  The Moabites 

        were forced east back across the fords of the Jordan, where the Israelites 

        killed “about 10,000 of the Moabites”; the Israelites did not invade Moab 

        proper.

                   The events in the book of Ruth are said to have taken place “in the 

        days when the judges ruled”; no precise geographical data are given as to 

        where in Moab Elimelech’s family settled.  After ten years, Naomi returned

        to Bethlehem with Ruth, who became the wife of Boaz and the great-grand-

        mother of King David.  This story illustrates the friendly relations that must

        have existed from time to time between the two peoples. 

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                   The judge Jephthah, in his message to oppressive Ammonites, ar-

        gued that Israel had been left in peace for “300 years” in northern and cen-

        tral Moab, so the Ammonites shouldn't be making war against Israel.  Actu-

        ally, much of this northern area of Moab had been regained by the Moa-

        bites.  Some inferences can be drawn from incidental information in Jud-

        ges.  In Judges 6-8, the Midianites, the Amalekites, and people of the East 

        are said to have oppressed Israel, raiding in great numbers on camels.  It 

        seems likely that Moab suffered from similar invasions from time to time.

                   6.  History:  The United Monarchy—The time of the United Mo-

        narchy in Israel was a time of Israelite strength and domination in Moab.  

        Saul’s successes covered Transjordan, including victories over Moab, the 

        Ammonites, Edom and even the kings of Zobah.  While David was a fugi-

        tive from Saul, he is said to have gone to Mizpeh of Moab, bringing his pa-

        rents with him.  Perhaps Ithmah the Moabite, one of his mighty men, 

        joined him at this time.

                   At the beginning of David’s reign there was civil war between Da-

        vid’s followers in the south and those of the surviving son of Saul, Ishbo-

        sheth, who headquartered at Mahanaim.  This same city later served as a 

        refuge for David in his conflict with Absalom.  Most likely Moab took ad-

        vantage of the temporary Israelite weakness to reassert its independence.  

        David defeated Moab, and the rich spoils of Moab and other nations, were 

        dedicated to the Lord.  In Solomon’s time Israel presumably maintained its 

        domination over Moab.  The 7th of Solomon’s districts was administered 

        from Mahanaim.  Solomon provided places of worship, including a “high 

        place for Chemosh the abomination of Moab.”

                   7.  History: Divided Kingdom and King Mesha of Moab—This 

        is the most important period in the history of Moab.  After the Division in 

        922 B.C., Moab probably continued for a time under the domination of the

        northern kingdom (Israel).  Northern Moab probably continued to be inclu-

        ded in the district of Mahanaim.  Probably early in the 800s, Moab attemp-

        ted to assert its independence.  Success was short-lived, for king Omri of 

        Israel occupied the land of Medeba,” and Israel remained there in his time 

        and half the time of his son. 

                   Shortly thereafter, war broke out between Aram and Israel, while 

        the Moabites, Ammonites, and some Meunites invaded Judah from the 

        Before Jehoshaphat of Judah realized the danger, the allies had pene-

        trated south,  as far as En-gedi on the western shore of the Dead Sea.   

        But the allies turned against each other, and the invasion came to a disa-

        strous end. 

                   For some time before Ahab’s death, the “king” of Moab had been 

        Mesha, Israel’s royal sheepmaster.   After King Ahab’s death, Mesha re-

        belled.   Joram of Israel, Jehoshaphat of Judah, and the king of Edom 

        marched against Moab in 849 B.C.   They made a circuitous march of 

        7 days to attack Moab from the east.  

                   Yet here also there were strong defenses, including the powerful for-

        tress of Mahaiy.  The dry stream bed separating the forces was filled with 

        water.   Early in the morning, Moabites saw the sun reflected in the water, 

        mistook it for the sun reflecting off of swords, and thought the allies must 

        have fallen out and slaughtered one another.  They attacked, and were 

        slaughtered by the Israelites, who also destroyed cities, stopped the 

        springs, chopped down trees, and shut up Mesha in Kirhareseth.

                   As a last resort, Mesha took his eldest son and offered him as a 

        burnt offering, apparently raising such superstitious fear that they raised the

        siege and gave up the invasion.  In his inscription, Mesha described his fur-

        ther victories.  He took the land of Ataroth from the men of Gad; Nebo was 

        taken, 7,000 Israelites were reportedly slain.  After his victories, Mesha en-

        gaged in fortifying various cities.

                   8.  The Assyrians Period and Moab's Decline—By Joram of Ju-

        dah’s death in 842, all 3 Transjordan states were independent.  Through-

        out the rest of the 800s, Israel was very weak, and Aram was the domi-

        nant power.  Possibly, Moab welcomed the Arameans as an ally against 

        Israel.  In 806, Hazael of Aram died.  The Assyrians under Adad-nirari 

        III, moved west, but it does not seem that Assyria actually invaded Pale-

        stine or tried to conquer all the former Aramean territory.  Moab proba-

        bly kept intact the territory it had regained.  Shortly after Joash became 

        king of Israel around 801, we are told that “bands of Moabites used to in-

        vade the land in the spring of the year.”

                   From the about the beginning of the 700s, Moab began to decline.  

        In spite of Mesha’s success, Moab never fully recovered from the destruc-

        tion wrought by Joram and Jehoshaphat.  Contributing to Moab’s decline

        was the successful campaign of Amaziah of Judah against Edom.  Uzziah 

        strengthened Judah’s hold on the north-south trade by rebuilding the port 

        of Elath on the Gulf of Aqabah.  When Uzziah exacted tribute from Am-

        mon, he must also have collected from Moab.  From time to time, after 

        750, parts of northern Moab seem often to have been in Ammonite hands. 

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                   The Palestine scene was now to be changed very greatly by the re-

        turn of the Assyrians.  By 738 Tiglath-pileser III was in Palestine-Syria, 

        and received tribute from Menahem of Israel.  Ahaz of Judah (735) found 

        himself under attack from Aram, Israel, Edom, and the Philistines.  He 

        sent tribute and asked Tiglath-pileser for aid.  Tiglath-pileser’s army swept

        over northern Israel, Philistia, and Transjordan.  Direct Assyrian control 

        may have extended south to the Arnon. 

                   Moab continued to pay tribute to Assyria.  Azuru, king of Ashdod, 

        tried to muster a coalition of Philistia, Judah, Edom, and Moab.  In 711, 

        Sargon defeated Ashdod and made it an Assyrian province.   After Sar-

        gon’s death, Sennacherib took the Assyrian throne and moved west to 

        put down a general rebellion; he conquered Judah and blockaded Jerusa-

        lem.  From a letter written to king Esarhaddon (681-669), we learn that 

        Moab paid him a tribute and provided materials for the royal palace at 

        Nineveh.

                   Under Ashurbanipal (669-630), Assyria reached its climax of pres-

        tige and wealth.  During the civil war between Ashurbanipal and his bro-

        ther Shamash-shum-ukin (652-648), the Arabs flooded eastern Syria and 

        Palestine, including Moab.  In the dirge on the fate of Moab contained in 

        Isaiah 15-16, the Arabs seem to have swept over Moab from the north.  

        The desert raiders may have come in from the east, been repelled by the 

        strong line of fortresses protecting the Ammonite capital, and then swung

        south through Moab.  This catastrophe of the Arab invasion spelled the 

        end of Moab as a strong autonomous state.    

                   During Josiah’s reign (640-609), Zephaniah’s oracle was pro-

        nounced against Moab.  Ammon at this time was relatively strong, but 

        Moab was definitely of little importance.  When Jehoikim rebelled against

        Nebuchadnezzar, bands of Chaldeans Syrians, Moabites, and Ammonites 

        raided Judah.  Archaeological exploration has shown that Moab was large

        ly depopulated from around the beginning of the 500s, after which nomads 

        wandered through the land until political and economic factors made se-

        dentary life possible again.

                   After several centuries without sedentary occupation, Moab was set-

        tled by the Nabateans, whose peak population was perhaps twice as inten-

        sive as Moab's at its peak.  Even more difficult land was put under cultiva-

        tion, and defense posts and fortresses were reused or strengthened.  The 

        Nabateans flourished from 100 B.C.-100 A.D., becoming a Roman province

        in 106.  Occupation continued to be heavy in Roman & Byzantine periods.

                   (For information on Moab’s religion, See the Moabite Stone entry) 

MOABITE STONE.  A stela of black basalt measuring 110 by 42 by 21cm, found

        at Dhiban in Transjordan.   

                  The stela was first shown to Europeans in 1868, but the natives, sus-

        pecting the antiquity's value, smashed it into several fragments.  Most of 

        the fragments were eventually acquired by the Louvre, where they were re-

        assembled.  The stone is at present exhibited as a combination of original 

        pieces & plaster restorations of the remainder.  This stela is the only major

        inscription known to exist in Moabite, a language very closely related to 

        Hebrew.

                   The Moabite Stone says much about the attitude of the Moabites to-

        ward their national deity Chemosh.   It is because Chemosh was angry at 

        his land that Omri was able to humble Moab.   All the people of Ataroth 

        were slain as a sacrifice for Chemosh; Nebo was taken from Israel, and its 

        population was slain for the god.  Chemosh was a common element in Mo-

        abite names.  

                   However, Chemosh should not be pictured in purely Moabite terms.

        He is mentioned as Ashtar-Chemosh, thus combined with the Canaanite  
   god of the morning star.  In Babylonian vocabularies, Chemosh appears

        as a name of Nergal, the lord of the City of the Underworld.  Small pottery 

        figurines found at various places in Moab contribute to our knowledge; the

        gods and goddesses of fertility were prominent in Moab.   Figurines of ani-

        mals or of animals with riders have also been found.

                   The inscription is dedicated to the god Chemosh in thankfulness for 

        Moabite victory over the Israelites.  Just as Israel’s victory was due to Yah-

        weh, so Moab owed hers to Chemosh.  The Old Testament custom of the 

        kherem (things dedicated for destruction) was also observed in Moab.  The 

        account opens with Chemosh’s anger against his people, and explains Om-

        ri’s success, stating that Omri had gained control of the territory about Me-

        deba and that Israel held it for a period of forty years. It describes how, in 

        the reign of Omri’s son, Mesha succeeded in breaking the Israelite yoke so 

        the Israel “completely perished for ever.”   

                   According to II Kings 1 and 3, Moab took advantages of the confu-

        sion following the death of Ahab.  If the Stone refers to Omri’s actual son 

        (Ahab) then the period of control was only 23 years.  But if the Stone actu-

        ally refers to Omri’s grandson (Jehoram) as the Semitic word for “son” 

        sometimes does, then the combined years of Omri, Ahab, Ahaziah, and 

        one-half of the reign of Jehoram would total 41.

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                   According to II Kings 3, it was Jehoram who set out to crush the re-

        bellious Moabites, allied with Jehoshaphat of Judah and the Edomites.  

        They were finally forced to retire when Mesha, in the utmost extremity, of-

        fered his eldest son as a sacrifice to Chemosh.  Mesha’s gloating allusion 

        to the complete destruction of Israel may refer to the overthrow of the Om-

        rid Dynasty by Jehu in 841.

                 Translation of the Stone—"It was I, Mesha son of Chemosh-[. . .], 

        king of Moab, who . . . ruled after my father and made this high place for 

        Chemosh in Qericho . . . because he let me triumph over all my foes.   Om-

        ri, king of Israel, oppressed Moab for a long time, because Chemosh was 

        angry at his land.  His son succeeded him, and he too said, “I will oppress 

        Moab!” . . . but I triumphed over him and his dynasty, Israel having com-

        pletely perished for ever. . .  "

                   "Omri inhabited it during his time and 1/2 the time of his son [grand-

        son?]—40 years.  Chemosh restored it in my time.  The king of Israel built 

        Ataroth for [Gad].  I fought against the city, captured it and slew all the peo-

        ple . . . as satisfaction for Chemosh and Moab. . .    In it I settled men of 

        Sharon and men of Maharith . . .    I went by night and fought against 

        [Nebo], captured it, slaying all of it, . . . for I had put it under the kherem  

        for Ashtar-Chemosh.  Taking from there the vessels of Yahweh, I dragged 

        them before Chemosh . . .  "

                  " From Moab I took 200 men, its very best, brought them against 

        Jahaz and captured it.  It was I who built Qericho . . . its citadel wall . . . 

        its gates . . . its towers . . . a palace . . . the reservoir wall. . .  I said to all 

        the people, “Each of you make himself a cistern in his house.”  I rebuilt 

        Aaroer; made the highway in the Arnon; built Beth-bamoth; [and] rebuilt 

        Bezer . . . [Mede]ba and Beth-diblathaim. . .   I went down, [fought 

        against] Horonaim [and captured it.]   Chemosh [resto]red it in my 

        time . . .”

MOADIAH (מועדיה, festival of the Lord)  A priestly family of the time of Joiakim 

        (Nehemiah 12).

MOAT (רוץח (khaw rotes), ditch, trench)  A ditch or trench surrounding the 

        walls of Jerusalem for purposes of protection (Daniel 9).

              

MOLADAH  (מולדה, generation) A city of Simeon in the south of Judah, not far

        from Beer-sheba.   The name indicates that it was a shrine where women 

        came to pray for children.  In the postexilic period Moladah was one of 

        the towns resettled by the returning Jews.  The site is unknown.  See also 

        the entry in the Old Testament Apocrypha/Influences Outside the Bible 

        section of the Appendix.        

MOLDING  (זר (tser), wreath, crown, border)  The decorative ledge of gold 

        around the ark of the covenant and the incense altar.   It was likely either a 

        rope molding or a projecting flat surface.  Its position was part way up on 

        the side of the structure, although it may have been at or near the upper 

        edge.

MOLDY (נקדים (nee koo dah eem), spots, specks) 

MOLE  (חפרפרה (khah far pay raw), rat)  Any of several small insect-eating

        mammals.  Rather than an actual mole, which has never been found in Pa-

        lestine, it was probably the great mole rat.  In Isaiah 2, the mole-rat and 

        the bat do not have the same habitat, though each moves in a world of 

        darkness.

MOLECH  (מלך, king)  A deity to whom human sacrifice was made, particularly

        in the Valley of Hinnom, which bounds Jerusalem on the southwest.  The 

        deity is associated with Ammon; actually, this not the proper name of the 

        deity, but a title—“the king.”  The form “Moloch,” is an abstract form, and

         may be rendered “kingship.”   One scholar thinks that in the phrase “to sa-

        crifice, or pass a child through the fire lamolech means “as a votive offe-

        ring.”  What it actually means in this phrase must remain an open question.

                   From Jephthah’s reply to the Ammonites, it is apparent that the na-

        tional god of Ammon was identical with Chemosh, the national god of 

        Moab.   It appears that the proper name of the god was Athtar, with Che-

        mosh and Milcom being his local titles.  From the name of the city we may

        reasonably infer that the cult of Shalem was practiced at Jerusalem in pre-

        Israelite times.  When Solomon built high places for Chemosh, he was es-

        tablishing local varieties of a cult already practiced at Jerusalem. 

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                   The rest of the references to Molech are associated with human sa-

        crifice.  Human sacrifice in Israel is first explicitly attested under Ahaz in 

        Judah and in Israel under Hoshea.   Apart from the sacrifice of the son of 

        Mesha of Moab, human sacrifice was made by the Assyrian military colo-

        nists in Samaria after 722 B.C.   In spite of the reformation of Hezekiah, 

        this cult survived until the time of Josiah.   In the account of Josiah’s refor-

        mation the scene of human sacrifices, Tophet in the Valley of Hinnom, was

        desecrated, and the sanctuaries of Milcom and Chemosh were destroyed.

MOLID (מוליד, begetter)  A descendant of Judah; the son of Abishur and his 

        wife Abihail (I Chronicles 2).

MOLOCH.  See Molech.

MOLTEN IMAGE (מסכה (ma say kah); נסיך (neh seek))  The appearance of 

        these words in the Old Testament reflects the common practice among an-

        cient peoples of making representations of deity for use in worship.  These 

        images were made by pouring molten gold, silver, iron, or bronze over a 

        prepared form or into a mold.  Small bronze images of Baal or Resheph or 

        other deities have been found in the excavations, on occasion overlaid 

        with gold.  Although no representations of Yahweh have been found, the 

        use of molten and other types of images are attested by the stories of the 

        golden calf, Micah’s idols, and by prophetic denunciations.

MONEY BOX (glwssokomon (glose so ko mon), purse, money bag)  A small 

        receptacle.  The term is used in reference to the apostles’ receptacle for 

        their funds (John 12 and 13).

MONEY, COINS.  Movable objects which are generally accepted as means of 

        barter or exchange.  The modern concept of money developed from: bar-

        ter; exchange of metal; and the use of minted metal of fixed weight.   Al-

        though this development took place chronologically, the several phases 

        existed also simultaneously.

                   List of Topics—1.  Barter and Exchange;     2.  Use of 

        Minted Metal: 600's--4 B.C.;     3.  Use of Minted Metal:  

        4 B.C.--100 A.D.;    4.  Coins under Roman Rule;      5.  Jewish 

        Coins in the Revolt;     6.  Coin Descriptions: Prehistoric &  

        521-333 B.C.;     7.  Coin Descriptions: 198-105 B.C.;     

        8.  Coin Descriptions: 78-4 B.C.;     9.  Coin Descriptions: 5 

        A.D.--59 A.D.;      10.  Coin Descriptions: 66 A.D--135 A.D.

                   1.  Barter and Exchange—The primitive economy sufficed on its

        own products, but a steady growth of the community soon multiplies its 

        demands.  The specialization of the handicraft eventually made a mutual 

        exchange of products necessary; cattle became the accepted means of 

        evaluation.  Smaller objects suitable for barter were sheep, asses, goats, 

        corn, oil, and wine.   The religious sacrifices of the period greatly influ-

        enced the use of animals as the most common currency of barter.  King 

        Solomon paid Hiram with wheat and olive oil for his help with the erec-

        tion of the temple.  King Mesha of Moab's tribute was lambs and rams.

                   Exchanging objects proved unsatisfactory because of their fluctu-

        ating value and because of their inconvenient size.   Metals became do-

        minant as a fixed means of evaluation as civilization grew to be more 

        and more based on them.  Everybody needed copper for weapons and 

        farm implements.  A man who had copper had no difficulty in trading it 

        for whatever he wanted.  

                   The visual estimation of value was likely to be uncertain.  There-

        fore, uniformly shaped pieces of metal were molded.  Armlets, bracelets, 

        signet rings, earrings, and beads were not only of ornamental use but also

        convenient articles of barter.  The forms of these metal pieces probably 

        represented an accepted value; similar forms of money were mentioned in 

        Deuteronomy 14.

                  But even shaped and perhaps standardized metal pieces were no re-

        liable means of evaluation; they had to be weighed accurately to find out 

        their value.  The weighing system of the Bible is based on the shekel, the 

        weight of which was about 11.5 grams silver.  Silver was much more com-

        mon than gold, and became therefore the real medium or evaluation.  The 

        necessary amount of silver was weighed in front of the dealer, for exam-

        ple:  “Abraham weighed out for Ephron the silver . . .” for the purchase of 

        the Machpelah cave.

                   The value of the shekel in biblical times was such that it was possi-

        ble to buy a ram for 2 shekels, a homer (370 liters) for 50 shekels, or a 

        measure (12.5 liters) of fine meal for a shekel.  Continual weighing and 

        examination of the purity of the metal took up much time and naturally in-

        vited cheating.   In order to find a remedy, the authorities gauged and 

        stamped the weights, which were then declared sacred.  The next logical 

        step was to stamp directly on the bars or bracelets in order to guarantee 

        their right value.

                   2.  Use of Minted Metal: 600's--4 B.C.—The next development 

        was a piece of metal whose weight and purity were indicated by a stamp

        —i.e. a coin.  We know of great numbers of antique coins which were 

        forged, struck from inferior metal, and coated with silver.  Also, the ed-

        ges of ancient coins were not marked so that it was easy to cut off parts; 

        one still had to weigh the coins to ensure value.

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                   The ingenious invention of coins does not go back farther than the

        600s B.C., in both Aegina of Greece and Lydia of Asia Minor.  The Israe-

        lites then, could not have become familiar with coins before the Babylo-

        nian exile.  In the Bible the first money is mentioned in Ezra 2, donated 

        by the Jews for the erection of the temple.   The amount was 61,000 da-

        rics of gold, 5,000 mines of silver; the daric was the Persian gold darei-

        kos coin named for King Darius I (521-486 B.C.).  

                   On the other hand, it seems that, at least in the western part of the 

        Persian Empire, the Greek silver coinage was most current.  The oldest 

        Greek coin was found in an excavation in Shechem, dated from the 500s 

        B.C.  The intensive trade connection between Greece and Asia Minor and

        the Phoenician towns made these coins an international currency.  It is 

        proved that there was a local mint already in the Persian province of 

        Jehud (Judah) in the 300s B.C., turning out coins in pure Greek style.

                   See also the entry in the Old Testament Apocrypha/Influences Out-

        side the Bible section of the Appendix.

                   3.  Use of Minted Metal:  4 B.C.--100A.D.—Archelaus (4 B.C.-

        6 A.D.) as Herod’s son was confirmed by Augustus as Judea’s ethnarch 

        and two other provinces.  The title “king” doesn’t appear on his coins.  

        Augustus exiled him after ten years of cruel reign because of general dis-

        content.  His brother Herod Antipas (4 B.C.- 39 A.D.) became Galilee’s 

        and Petrea’s tetrarch. In 18 A.D. Herod Antipas founded Tiberias in the 

        Emperor Tiberius’ honor, made it his capital and chose it as his mint.  

                   Philip (4 B.C.-34 A.D.) was the last son of Herod and tetrarch of 

        Trachonitis.  He was the 1^st Jewish ruler to put the Roman emperor’s 

        head on coins; all of them probably were minted in Paneas.  Herod Agrip-

        pa I (37-44), with the help of the Emperor Caius Caligula, unified the 

        small districts ruled by his predecessors, so that he could call himself on 

        his coins “great king, friend of Caesar.”  He was the first to put his own 

        portrait on his coins.  Till recently the object on top had been explained as 

        an umbrella, but no other coin with an umbrella design was elsewhere 

        known.  One of his coins was minted in Caesarea in connection with the 

        great prize fights during which he suddenly fell ill and died.

                   Herod Agrippa II (50-100) was the last ruling descendant of the 

        house of Herod.  Neither his regency nor his coins show any connection 

        with the Bible.  During the reign of the Idumean princes, real power was 

        gradually taken over by Rome.  The first procurator who ruled from Cae-

        sarea was sent by Augustus in 6 A.D.  These procurators were continually 

        changed by the emperors; they minted copper coins until 58/59, and re-

        frained from issuing designs or coin types which might have offended 

        Jewish feelings.  These coins are found in abundance in Palestine, and 

        showed symbols of the country or products of the country.  They were in-

        scribed with the name or the title of Caesar and with the year of his reign.

                   In the New Testament we find many different coin names.  It is not

        too difficult a task to state which sort of money went through Jesus’ hands,

        but there are some difficulties.   In the first 100 years various coins were 

        found in the country.   1st, Besides the procurators, Caesarea, Ascalon, 

        Tyre, and Sidon minted coins; the latter 2 coming to Palestine through 

        trade routes.   2nd, we don’t know the denomination of the bronze coins 

        because it is indicated on none of them.  3rd, the English translation of the

        Greek used the same word for different Greek coins, and tried to substitute 

        modern terms for the ancient coin names. 

                   Nonetheless, we know in many of the cases to which coin the Bible 

        is referring.  The most frequently mentioned coin is the denarius, which is 

        translated “penny” in the King James Version.   It was the most current sil-

        ver coin in the first century.  The denarius was used to pay the troops and 

        quickly superseded all Greek silver coins of the same value.  When Jesus 

        pointed to the emperor’s portrait on a coin and said, “Render therefore to 

        Caesar the things are Caesar’s (Matthew 22),” he was referring to a denar. 

  

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                   Matthew 26 refers to another sort of silver coin paid to Judas.  They

        were either shekels which were coined in Tyre or tetradrachma coined in 

        Antioch.   In Matthew 28 we meet with the expression “a sum of large mo-

        ney.”  With “large money” they must have had in mind silver shekels.  In 

        Mark 12 a small coin is mentioned which is called a “mite” in the King 

        James Version.  For better understanding the English translator used here 

        the names of small contemporary copper coins.  The original Greek reads: 

        lepton and kodrantes, the first being the smallest Greek copper coin, the 

        second being the smallest Roman copper coin. 

                   4.  Coins under Roman Rule—This “civil tribute” was the duty 

        the Jews had to  deliver to Rome after Judea lost its independence.   Sub-

        sequent to the temple’s destruction, all the Jews under Roman rule had to 

        pay 2 drachmas per head to Jupiter’s temple.  This tax consisted purpose-

        ly of the same sum each Jew formerly had to pay as annual sacred tribute.

        In the Roman period the shekel or didrachma was no longer current, so 

        that payment was in denars.

                   2 coins which were struck by Pontius Pilate differ from the other is-

        sues.  The first shows a ladle and the second a staff; both are emblems of

        Roman priests.  It was thought that Pilate chose these symbols in honor of

        Tiberius, but this interpretation seems no longer valid.   Recent coin finds

        show a date which points unmistakably to the predecessor of Pontius Pi-

        late, who only took it over.

                    Additionally, Roman copper and silver coins flooded the country, 

        and the imperial coinage of this region was minted in Antioch.   For the 

        treasury of the temple only Jewish coins were fit to be donated.   This 

        means that only coins of Hyrcanus, Alexander, Janneus, Herod, and the 

        procurators could be used, all of them copper.   We must conclude from 

        the presence of coined silver in the temple treasury that it must have been

        necessary to depart from the rules of law.  We know that Tyrian shekels 

        were preferably accepted because experience had shown that these coins 

        had the best content of silver. 

                   The Roman emperors shifted procurators in Palestine after some 

        years, so that they could not enrich themselves.  In the Roman Empire is-

        suing money was the exclusive privilege of the emperor.   The last was 

        Gessius Florus (64-66), who used both extortion and robbery to increase 

        his personal wealth.   When Florus' officials were impudent enough to 

        demand a great sum out of the temple treasury, an open revolt, the 1st 

        War of Independence broke out.  The Roman troops retreated and the 

        greatest part of the country was liberated.

                   5.  Jewish Coins in the Revolt—In the 1st year, the Jews set up 

        their own government and issued their own money.   The minting of sil-

        ver shekels was regarded as a revolutionary act; they were the first Jew-

        ish silver coins ever to have been minted.   This consciously national 

        coinage must have rejected every Gentile symbol, and clearly was meant

        to stress Zion’s liberation.  The cup engraved on one side of the silver 

        shekel is a prominent and familiar temple implement.  The swinging of 

        this cup during the temple service was seen by everybody and must have

        been a significant ceremony.  The other side of the shekel shows a bunch 

        of pomegranates with 3 buds.

                   The shekel had the same weight as the Tyrian shekel and was 

        given a similar value in order to supplant the foreign currency.   The ne-

        cessary silver probably came out of the temple treasury.  In the 2nd and 

        3rd years of the war bronze coins were added which displayed a wine 

        or oil amphora and a vine leaf with tendril on the other side.   The bles-

        sing of wine and bread became a ceremony at each Jewish feast, and was

        taken over into the Christians’ Holy Communion.  

                   From the war’s 4th year we have bronze 1/2-, 1/4, and 1/8-shekels.

        It is possible that the decision to use bronze was because there was no 

        more silver in the temple treasury.  The bronze coins show 2 lulabs (palm,

        myrtle, and willow tied together) on one side, baskets filled with fruits 

        under a palm tree.  The palm tree is already familiar from Herod’s and the 

        procurators’ coins.

                   We have seen now how the tendency of all coins of the first war of 

        independence points unmistakably to the temple service.   Rome razed Je-

        rusalem to the ground, and the victor immortalized his success with an 

        arch of triumph in Rome and with the issue of new coins with Vespasian 

        on one side and “Judea Capta” (“captive Judea”) with a palm tree in cen-

        tral position on the other. 

                   Revolution’s flame never died in Judea.  It was stirred by Hadrian’s

        intention to Romanize the city.  In 132-135 Judea was aroused to the 2nd 

        War of independence.  They again started minting silver and bronze coins 

        as a sign of their regained sovereignty.  The Jews had no choice now but to

        use all circulating Tyrian and Syrian tetradrachmas, Roman denars, and 

        bronze coins and stamp their own symbols on them; traces of the former 

        coinage remained visible.   The coin designs of the 1st War of Indepen-

        dence were repeated: palm, grape, vine, and vine leaf.  Dated coins exist 

        only from the 1st and 2nd years. The coins with the inscription “Redemp-

        tion of Jerusalem” were probably struck in the last year of the war.  

                   More than 60 years had passed since its destruction, so we can't

        expect either that the memory of its construction still lingered on or that 

        laymen had more than a very vague conception of the Holy of Holies, so 

        other symbols were used instead.  A representation in relief is to be seen 

        on the Arch of Triumph of Titus in Rome, where trumpets are carried be-

        side the 7-branched lamp stand as remarkable pieces of the spoil. 

                   The tetradrachma has a temple with 4 columns and 2 scrolls of the

        law.  On Gentile coins a god statue takes the central place inside a temple,

        so the most holy object in Jewish ritual is most likely depicted here.  The 

        lyres were the priestly instruments of praise and rejoicing.   The palm 

        branch was part of the lulab which was used in the Feast of the Taberna-

        cles ritual.  Grapes belonged to the temple ceremonial.  The one-handled,

        narrow-necked jug was used at the Feast of Tabernacles water libation, 

        with the purpose of bringing rain.

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                   On these coins Bar Cocheba wanted to symbolize that the temple’s

        rebuilding and the restoration of the water libation would result in well-

        timed rainfall.   On the bronze coins most of the silver coin motifs are re-

        peated.  We must conclude that the amphora on these coins was a part of 

        the temple service, and it is most probable that it was the menorah’s oil 

        container.  These last symbols of Jewish coins have a close contact with 

        the former worship in the temple, and are still under the influence of the 

        Bible

                    6.  Coin Descriptions: Prehistoric &  521-333 B.C.

        1.  Tongue (bar) and circle of gold     Date:  Prehistory    Source:  Gezer.  

        2.  Gold daric      Date:   After 521 B.C.      Source: Persian 

             Description:  Side 1: King kneeling, in left hand bow, in right hand    

                 spear.          Side 2: irregular square

        3.  Silver Tetradrachma      Date: After 500 B.C.      Source:  Greek 

             Description: Side 1: Head of Athena.      Side 2: Square with owl in 

               it and olive spray; Greek inscription: ATHE (Athens)

        4.  Silver      Date:  After 400 B.C.      Source: Judea 

             Description: Side 1: Bearded male head with turban.

                                   Side 2:  Flower, owl, Hebrew inscription: yehud (Judea)

        5. Small silver      Date: After 400 B.C.    Source: Judea 

            Description: Side 1: Male god seated on a winged wheel; on left hand

                a hawk; above Hebrew inscription: yhd (Judea)

        6.  Silver      Date: After 333 B.C.  Source: Greeks  

            Description: Side 1: Head of young Herakles, wearing a lion skin

                Side 2: Zeus on throne, in left hand a scepter, in right hand an eagle.  

                Greek  inscription: BASILEOS ALEXANDROY (King Alexander).

                    7.  Coin Descriptions: 198-105 B.C.

        7.  Silver      Date: 198 B.C.   Source: Egyptian Greeks

             Description: Side 1: Head of Ptolemy I    

                 Side 2: Eagle standing on thunderbolt; 

                 Greek inscription:  PTOLEMAIOY BASILEOS (Ptolemy King)    

        8.  Silver      Date: 198-167 B.C.      Source: Syrian Greeks 

             Description Side 1: Head of Antiochus IV  

             Side 2: Zeus on throne; in left hand scepter, in right hand Nike.   

             Greek inscription: BASILEOS ANTIOCHOY THEOY  EPIPHANOYS

             (King Antiochus, god made manifest)

        9. Small Bronze      Date:  132/31 B.C.      Source: Syrian Greeks 

             Description:  Side 1: lily

                 Side 2: Anchor; 

                 Greek inscription BASILEOS ANTIOCHOY EYERGETOY

                 (King Antiochus, Benefactor)

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      10.  Small bronze         Date: 111-110 B.C.      Source: Judea  

             Description: Side 1: Hebrew inscription: yhohnn khkhn hgdl  

                 vkhbr hykhdym (Johanan the high priest and the community of the 

                 Jews).          Side 2:  Double cornucopia, poppy head within.

      11. Small bronze      Date: 105 B.C.      Source:  Judea  

             Description:  Side 1:  Half-opened flower;  Hebrew inscription:     

                 yhonthn hmlk (Jonathan, the king)

                 Side 2: Anchor within a circle; Greek inscription: BASILEOS 

                 ALEXANDROY (King Alexander)

      12.   Small bronze dilepton (Hebrew peruta)      

                  Date: 105 B.C.  Source: Judea

                  Description: Side 1: Hebrew inscription within 8-petaled flower: 

                  yhonthn hmlk (Jonathan, the king)

                  Side 2: Anchor in center; Greek inscription: BASILEOS 

                  ALEXANDROY (King Alexander)

                    8.  Coin Descriptions: 78-4 B.C 

      13.   Small bronze lepton      Date: 78 B.C.      Source: Judea

                  Description:  Side 1:  8-pointed star

                  Side 2: Anchor in center

      14.   Small bronze      Date: 40 B.C.      Source:  Judea

                  Description:  Side 1: Uncertain object with four projections

                  Side 2: Seven-branched candlestick; 

                  Greek inscription: BACIL ANTIG (King Antigonus).

      15. Bronze      Date: 40 B.C.      Source:  Judea 

                  Description: Side 1: Wreath of ivy; 

                  Greek inscription: [BACIL]EOS ANTIG[ONOY] (King Antigonus). 

                  Side 2: Double Cornucopia; 

                  Hebrew inscription: mttyh hkhn hgdl vkhbr hyhodym (Matthias 

                  the high priest and the community of the Jews).    

      16.   Bronze      Date: About 36 B.C.      Source: Judea

                  Description:  Side 1: Helmet with crest and cheek piece; 

                  Greek inscription: BASILEOS HeRODOY (King Herod)

                  Side 2: Circular shield, surrounded by triangular “rays of the sun.”

      17.   Bronze      Date: 33 B.C.      Source: Judea 

                  Description: Side 1: Tripod with bowl; Greek inscription: BASI-

                  LEOS HeRODOY (King Herod)

                  Side 2: Incense burner between two palm branches.

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      18.  Small bronze      Date: After 33 B.C.   Source: Judea

                  Description: Side 1: Anchor; 

                  Greek inscription: BACI HeROD (King Herod)

                  Side 2: Double cornucopia with Mercury’s staff in center.

      19.  Small bronze    Date: After 4 B.C.       Source:  Judea

                  Description: Anchor; Greek inscription: HeRO[DON] (Herod)

                  Side 2: Wreath with Greek inscription: EThNA (Ethnarch)       

      20.  Small bronze      Date: After 4 B.C.     Source:  Judea

                  Description: Side 1:  Bunch of grapes with leaf; 

                  Greek inscription: HeRODOY (Herod).

                  Side 2: Helmet with cheek pieces & double crest; small Mercury’s 

                  staff; Greek inscription: EThNARChOY (Ethnarch).  

                    9.  Coin Descriptions: 5 A.D.--59 A.D 

      21. Silver tetradrachma      Date: 5 A.D.     Source: Syria

                  Description: Side 1: Head of Augustus;

                  Greek inscription: KAISAROS SEBASTOS (Caesar Augustus)

                  Side 2: Tyche of Antiochia; at his feet, the river-god Orontes;

                  Greek inscription: ANTIOCHEON METROPOLEOS 

                  (Capital of the Antiochian) and date).

      22. Small Bronze      Date: 5/6 A.D.      Source: Judea

                  Description: Side 1: Ear of corn;

                  Greek inscription: KAISAROS (Caesar)

                  Side 2: Palm tree with two fruit bunches and date

      23.  Bronze      Date: 8/9 A.D.      Source: Judea

                  Description: Side 1: Head of Tiberius; 

                  Greek inscription: [SEB]ASTO [KA]ISARI (Caesar Augustus)

                  Side 2: Tetrastyle temple; Greek inscription: PHILIPPOY 

                 TET[RARCHOY] (Phillip, Tetrarch) and date

      24.  Bronze      Date: 17/18 A.D.      Source:  Judea

                 Description:  Side 1: Vine leaf; Greek inscription: TIBER 

                 (Tiberius).

                 Side 2: Wine jug; Greek inscription: KAISAR (Caesar) and date

      25.  Silver denar      Date: 24 A.D.      Source: Rome

                 Description: Side 1: Head of Tiberius; 

                 Latin inscription: TI CAESAR DIVI AUG F AUGUSTUS 

                 (Tiberius Caesar, son of the divine Augustus, Augustus).

                 Side 2: Pax seated, holding branch; 

                 Latin inscription: PONTIF MAXIM (High Priest)

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      26.  Silver shekel      Date: 26/27 A.D.      Source: Tyre

                Description:  Side 1: Head of Melqart-Herakles

                Side 2: Eagle, palm branch over right shoulder; 

                Greek inscription: TYROY IER[AS KAI ASYLOY]

                (Tyre, sanctuary and asylum) and date

      27.  Bronze      Date: 29/30 A.D.      Source: Judea

                Description: Step 1: Palm branch; 

                Greek inscription: HeRODOY TETRARChOY (Herod, Tetrarch)

                 & date

                Side 2: Within wreath, Greek inscription: TIBE RIAS (Tiberias)

      28.  Small Bronze      Date: 29/30 A.D.      Source: Judea

               Description: Side 1: ladle; 

               Greek inscription: TIBERIOY KAISAROS  (Tiberius Caesar) and 

               date 

               Side 2: Three ears bound together; 

               Greek inscription IOYLIA KAISAROS (Julius Caesar)

      29.  Bronze      Date: 30/31      Source: Judea

               Description: Side 1: curved staff; 

                Greek inscription: TIBERIOY KAISAROS (Tiberius Caesar).

                Side 2: Wreath and date.

      30.  Bronze      Date: 42/43 A.D.      Source: Judea

                Description: Side 1: Umbrella (?) with fringe; 

                Greek inscription: BASILEOS AGRIPA (King Agrippa).

                Side 2: Three ears of corn and date

      31.  Bronze      Date: 44 A.D.      Source:  Judea

                Description: Side 1: Head of Agrippa I; 

                Greek inscription: BASILEUS MEGAS AGRIPPAS PhILOKAISAR 

                (Great King Agrippa, friend of Caesar).

                Side 2: Female figure holding rudder and palm branch; 

                Greek inscription: KAISARIA He PROS [SEBASTOLIMENI] 

                (Caesarea at the harbor Sebastos)

      32.  Bronze      Date: 58/59      Source:  Judea

                Description: Side 1:  Palm branch; date; 

                Greek inscription: KAISAROS (Caesar).

                Side 2: Wreath; Greek inscription: NERONOS

  

                  10.  Coin Descriptions:  66 A.D--135 A.D.

      33. Silver shekel      Date: 66 A.D.       Source: Judea

                Description: Side 1: Cup and Date

                Hebrew inscription; shekel yisrael (Shekel of Israel)

                Side 2: Bunch of pomegranate with 3 buds

                Hebrew inscription: yerusalem gadosh (holy Jerusalem)

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      34.  Bronze      Date: 67 A.D.      Source: Judea

                Description: Side 1: Wine jar and date

                Side 2: Vine branch with leaf and tendril; 

                Hebrew inscription: harot tsion (Deliverance of Zion)

      35.  Bronze      Date: 69 A.D.      Source: Judea

                Description: Side 1: leaf between two lulabs and date.

                Side 2: Palm tree between two baskets filled with fruits; 

                Hebrew inscription: lagoeloth tsion (For the redemption of Zion.)

      36.  Bronze      Date: 70 A.D.      Source: Rome 

                Description: Side 1: Vespasian’s head; 

                Latin inscription: IMP[erator] CAES[ar] VESPASIAN AUGustus 

                Pontifex Maximus TR [ibunicia] Potestas Pater Patriae 

                COnSul III.

                Side 2: Jew standing, hands tied behind back, shield behind him; 

                Palm tree center; weeping Jewess seated on armor; 

                Latin inscription: JUDAEA CAPTA (captive Judea); S C (abbrevi-

                ation for Senatus consulto (With permission of the Senate)).

      37.  Silver denar      Date: 132 A.D.      Source: Judea

                Description: Side 1: Wreath and Hebrew inscription: simeon

                Side 2: Two trumpets; Hebrew inscription: laharot yerusalem 

                (For the freedom of Jerusalem).  

     38. Silver denar      Date: 132 A.D.      Source: Judea 

                Description: Side 2: Lyre; Hebrew inscription:  lahar[ot] 

                [ye]rusalem (For the freedom of Jerusalem).

      39. Silver denar      Date: 132 A.D.      Source: Judea

                Description: Side 2: Jug with palm branch to the right; Hebrew 

                inscription: lakhar[ot] [ye]rusalem (For the freedom of Jerusalem).

      40.  Bar Cocheba's Silver Tetradrachma    Date: 133 A.D.   Source: Judea  

                Description: Side 1: Temple with four columns, within a shrine 

                with shelves and two scrolls of the Law; Hebrew inscription: 

                yerusalem (Jerusalem)

      41.  Silver denar      Date: 133 A.D.      Source: Judea 

                Description: Side 1: Bunch of grapes; Hebrew inscription: simeon

                Side 2: Palm branch; Hebrew inscription: sheb lakhar[ot] yis[ra]el 

                (Second year of the freedom of Israel).

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      42.  Silver denar      Date: 133 A.D.      Source: Judea

                Description: Side 1: Lyre with three strings; Hebrew inscription: 

                Sheb lakharot yis[ra]el (second year of the freedom of Israel).

      43.  Bronze      Date: 133 A.D.      Source: Judea

                 Description: Side 1: Wreath; Hebrew inscription: Simeon.

                 Side 2: Two-handled jar; Hebrew inscription: sheb lahar[ot] 

                 yisrael (second year of the freedom of Israel).

      44.  Bronze      Date: 135 A.D.      Source: Judea

                 Description:  Side 1: Palm tree with two branches of fruit; 

                 Hebrew inscription: simeon.

                 Side 2: Vine leaf; Hebrew inscription: laharot yerusalem 

                 (For the freedom of Jerusalem) 

  

MONEY-CHANGER (kollubisthV (kol loo bis tes), small coin person ker-

        matisthV (ker mah tis tes), small coin person) The term applied to those

       who in ancient times served many of the functions of the modern banker.     

        Among their services was the exchange of the currency of one country or 

        province for that of another. For such services they collected a small coin, 

        called in Greek kollubos.

                   The half-shekel offering required by every adult male in New Testa-

        ment times had to be paid in Tyrian silver coins.   The money changing ta-

        bles were set up in the provinces to facilitate regional collections.  10 days 

        later the money changers transferred their operation to the temple courts. 

        The first activity of Jesus after his triumphal entry into Jerusalem was the 

        “cleansing of the temple,” and the overthrowing of the tables of the money-

        changers after accusing them of turning the temple into a den of robbers.
                   The “money-changers in the temple” have become a familiar sym-

        bol of the profaning of religion by commercialism, but the real meaning of

        this episode is by no means certain.   Jesus paid the half-shekel tax for 

        himself and Peter, so evidently he was not opposed to the maintenance of 

        the temple. Why then did he object to an arrangement which enabled wor-

        shipers more easily to make their contribution to supporting the temple? 

        The most plausible explanation is that he regarded the charge made by 

        money-changers as excessive.   Scholars disagree on whether the money-

        changers retained this profit for themselves or whether the entire transac-

        tion was under temple auspices.
                   We do have accounts of profiteering in the sale of sacrificial doves. 

        The moneychanger episode reflects the bitter hostility of the people and 

        their Pharisaic representatives toward the venal priesthood. It seems pro-

        bable that the ire of Jesus against the moneychangers derived from some 

        incident in which the temple authorities had tried to increase their gains by 

        excessive charges.

MONOTHEISM.  See God, Old Testament View of.

MONSTER.  See Sea Monster.

MONTH.  See Calendar

MONUMENT( ציון (Tsi on), pillar)  The tombstone or grave marker of the man 

        of God which Josiah permitted to stand when other tombs at Bethel were 

        being defiled.  The King James Version renders netsoreem as “monu-

        ments”; the New Revised Standard Version translates the word as “secret 

        places” where the term seems to refer to places or structures associated 

        with tombs.

MOON (חﬧי (yaw ray khah); חדש (kho desh), new moon; כסא (kay saw), full 

        moon)  The moon was fashioned and placed in the firmament on the 4th 

        day of creation, to illumine the night and regulate the seasons.  At the end 

        of the present age, the moon will be darkened or turn to blood.  Eventually, 

        however, on God’s day of triumph, it will shine again.  The worship of the 

        moon figured prominently in the early pagan cults of Palestine, where it 

        was regarded as a male deity most commonly called Yarah; the popularity 

        of his cult is attested by the occurrence of personal names of which his 

        name is a part.  Under the name of Sahar, his worship is attested also at 

        Hamath and Nerab.  The corresponding deity, Kusuh is likewise mentioned

        in Hurrian texts.  The city of Jericho was named for an ancient moon-god.

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                  The worship of the moon was forbidden in the religion of Yahweh.  

        The ancient pagan cult was, however, adopted officially in Judah by the 

        apostate king Manasseh (687-641 B.C.).  It was formally prohibited in 621 

        by Josiah.   It seems also to have been a popular custom to salute it reve-

        rently as it “sailed in beauty.”

                   The standard calendar in Israel was lunar.  At new moon, trumpets 

        were blown.  At full moon, persons traveling on business returned home, 

        if possible.  In the Old Testament, when Yahweh took to the warpath, the 

        moon, like the sun, could be halted in its course in Joshua’s day.   The 

        moon could exert a baleful influence and “strike” a man, rendering him 

        “lunatic.”   Like the sun, the moon was regarded as a symbol of perma-

        nence.  The expression “output of the moons” in Deuteronomy 33, where 

        it stands parallel to “choicest fruits of the sun,” is at best an obscure trans-

        lation; it means “lunar months,” according to some.   According to others, 

        “output of the moon” refers to dew, which was often regarded as a result 

        of the moon’s influence.  

MORASTHITE (מורשתי, possession) King James Version translation of more-

        shethy.  The New Revised Standard Version translation was “of More-

        sheth.”

MORDECAI (מרדכי)  1. Someone heading the list of Jewish exiles returning to 

        Jerusalem with Zerubbabel.

                   2.  The Jewish hero of the book of Esther.  He and Esther his ward 

        triumphed over Haman, the evil vizier.  Scholars consider Esther’s story to

        be fictitious and the persons within it scarcely historical, although it is the 

        author’s purpose to appear to be writing history.  This Mordecai is proba-

        bly the same as Ezra’s Mordecai, but for Mordecai to be flourishing in Xer-

        xes I’s reign, he would have to be well over 100.  Mordecai’s genealogy 

        makes him Saul’s and Kish’s descendant; Haman is a descendant of 

        Agag, king of the Amalekites. 

                   It would seem that in the ancient writer’s view the contest between 

        the Jewish Diaspora and Haman was part of a continuing struggle.  There 

        is a theory that “Mordecai” is Hebrew for Marduk, and that “Esther” is He-

        brew for Ishtar the goddess.   That would mean that the book of Esther is a 

        thinly veiled Babylonian myth, describing a cosmic conflict and the basis of

        some  pagan festival.   Here reference must be made to a single document 

        mentioning “Marduka,” as one of Xerxes I’s finance officers; Mordecai  

        could be a historical figure.

                   See also the entry in the Old Testament Apocrypha/Influences Out-

        side the Bible section of the Appendix. 

MOREH (מרה, teacher)  1. The site of the “Oak of Moreh,” a sacred tree near 

        Shechem.   Abraham encamped here and built an altar to Yahweh.   The 

        place of God’s appearances at Shechem could well have been Canaanite

        prior to its visitation by the patriarchs.  Jacob hid the foreign gods (tera-

        phim) under the oak which was near Shechem.  At Shechem, Joshua took

        a great stone “and set it up there under the oak in the sanctuary of the 

        Lord.”   The Diviners’ Oak at Shechem in Judges 9 is probably to be iden-

        tified with the Oak of Moreh. 

                   2. A hill near which the Midianites encamped in the valley of Jez-

        reel, across the valley from Mount Gilboa.  Some scholars have held that 

        the hill of Moreh was located in the vicinity of Shechem.

MORESHETH GATH (רשת גתמו, possession of Gath) The home of the pro-

        phet Micah, and one of the cities mentioned in the wordplay section of Mi-

        cah’s prophecy.  The ancient site of Moresheth is a site occupying a strate-

        gic location about 2.6 km north of Beit Jibrin.  The site was abandoned at 

        the end of the Bronze Age and not reoccupied until during the closing cen-

        turies of the monarchy (750 B.C.).

MORIAH (המריה, chosen of the Lord)   1. The “land of Moriah” is mentioned in 

        Genesis 22 as a mountainous district, at a 3-day journey from Beer-sheba.

        The location is otherwise unspecified.  Abraham was told by God to offer

        Isaac in sacrifice on one of that region’s mountains, but was prevented 

        from carrying out the sacrifice.

                   2.   Mount Moriah is the rocky hilltop of Jerusalem north of the city

        of David, where Solomon built the temple.  This was the place which David

        had chosen, and purchased from Ornan the Jebusite.  There is good rea-

        son to suspect that the author of Chronicles intended to ascribe an early

        origin to the royal sanctuary, by identifying the unnamed hilltop with the 

        mountain where Abraham had made ready to sacrifice his son.

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MORNING STAR (fwsforoV (fos fo ros))  The Venus-star, heralding the Dawn 

        (II Peter 1).

MORTAL SIN (amartia proV qanaton (am ar tee ah  pros  than a ton), sin 

        (error) leading to death)  The expression occurs in the New Testament only 

        in I John 5. John distinguishes between sin which is mortal and sin which 

        isn’t mortal, both kinds are committed by those not “born of God.”  By 

        “mortal sin” John may have meant sin which excluded the sinner from the 

        church, or he may have meant denying that Jesus is of God.

MORTAR (מדכה (med o kaw); מכתש (mak taysh); חמר (khay mawr), bi-

        tumen, asphalt; תפל (taw fail), lime)   

                  1. A vessel in which substances are crushed with a pestle.  The most

        common use was in grain preparation, but it was also employed in cru-

        shing herbs, in the preparation of Cosmetic and dye pigments, and in other

        processes in which materials had to be reduced to fine powder.  Manna 

        was pounded in a mortar. 

                  Mortars are most often made of basalt because of its roughness and 

        hardness, although limestone is also used.  The shape of the mortar varies 

        from the simple cylindrical block with a depression on top to elaborate foo-

        ted and decorated types.  The pestle was normally an elongated cylindrical 

        or conical tool made to be grasped in the hand; the head correspond to the 

        curvature of the mortar with which it was used.

                   2.  A building material. Generally mortar was of clay.  The binding 

        mortar was of the same material as bricks, generally mixed with straw and 

        applied while damp and soft.   In the proverbial “untempered mortar,” to-

        phal means something weak or insipid.  Mortar wasn't always used in buil-

        ding a wall.

MORTAR, THE (מקתש (mak tesh)) The quarter of Jerusalem in which the

        silver traders and the silversmiths conducted their business under the 

        reign of Josiah.

MORTGAGE (ערב (aw rabe), pledge)  The word “mortgage” is used only once

        in the Bible, as a verb in a passage depicting the economic conditions in 

        Judah in Nehemiah’s and Ezra’s time (Nehemiah 5).  The poor mortgaged 

        their fields during the famine to buy food.  They also had to borrow money

        in order to pay taxes.

MOSAIC PAVEMENT (רצפה (ree tseh faw), checkered mosaic)  While the

        Hebrew word, may mean simple pavement, the context in Esther 1 clearly 

        shows that it refers to the mosaic pavement at Susa.

MOSERAH (מוסרה, bands, bonds, fetters)  A stopping place of the Israelites in

        the wilderness after they left Beeroth Bene-jaakan.  According to Deutero-

        nomy 10, Aaron died at Moserah and was buried there.  According to Num-

        bers 33, he died at Mount Hor.  The locality is unknown. 

MOSES (משה, drawing out, deliverer)  Leader of the Hebrew tribes in their 

        exodus from Egypt and during the consolidation prior to the invasion of 

        Canaan.  The Egyptian exodus is the creative center of the Old Testament 

        (OT).  The Exodus is the hour of Israel’s birth as a people.  This moment

        remains decisive even when the family tree is traced back through Abra-

        ham, Isaac, and Jacob.  Israel’s defining marks all change with time and 

        circumstance.  Yet the Exodus remains the symbol by which subsequent

        events are interpreted.

                   List of Topics—1.  Historicity;      2.  Background;

        3.  Commission;      4.  Mission:  Egypt, and Passover;  

        5.  Mission: Crossing the Sea and Wilderness;     6.  Mission: 

        Mount Sinai Revelation;      7.  Moses:  Beyond Exodus

                   1.  Historicity—When the connection between Moses and the birth

        of Israel is examined more closely, two seemingly contradictory things ap-

        pear.  At first, Moses appears to dominate the exodus traditions.  The great 

        variety of roles which this same material ascribes to Moses is an equally 

        impressive phenomenon.  He performs almost every function attached to 

        the offices & callings that were subsequently known in Israel.  Condensed 

        into this one man are the figures of prophet, priest, judge, lawgiver, inter-

        cessor, victor, exile, fugitive, shepherd, guide, healer, miracle-worker, man

        of God, and rebel.  Moses doesn't merely assist at the birth of Israel; in him

        Israel is born.

                  But in the oldest reference to the exodus event now contained in the 

        OT, Moses is not mentioned; Israel’s ancient creedal recital mentions only 

        God’s mighty deeds.   Among pre-exilic prophets, only Jeremiah and pos-

        sibly Micah give his name.   Since such large blocks of the OT pass over 

        Moses, suspicion is raised about how historical Moses is.  Perhaps his do-

        minant position results from the piety of later Israelites.   Perhaps they

        magnified his importance in such a way as to derive sanction for their own 

        practices and values.  Since Yahweh is the primary actor in every event,

        it is to him, and not to his human agent, that faith is attached.  Hosea calls 

        him a prophet who points away from himself to the divine word and deed.  

        The failure to mention Moses is not strong evidence of his non-historicity.

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                   The resurgence of interest in Moses, apparent in the Deuteronomic 

        and Priestly literature, indicates an attempt to recover Israel’s earlier dy-

        namic in the face of the impending collapse of the Judean state.  The 

        name of a prophet is rarely mentioned after the period of his active mini-

        stry.  In the OT, frequency of citation is not by itself an indication either 

        of historicity or of significance.

                   The exodus and wilderness traditions consist of four large themes:

        the exodus; the revelation; the wandering; and the Promised Land.  It has 

        been long recognized that the theme of “the revelation at Sinai” shows evi-

        dence of only a very loose connection with the other themes.  Recently, it 

        has been argued that originally there was no integral connection between 

        any of them.   Moses has become the link binding these once-unrelated 

        thematic episodes into a narrative sequence.  It has been said that the 

        only reliable datum about his life is the tradition of his death and burial at 

        a site east of the Jordan, after which the Israelite tradition clothed Moses 

        with a substantial history and created the story as we have it today.

                   The most serious objection to any view denying the existence of 

        Moses is the difficulty it creates for understanding early Israelite history in

        Palestine.  The Song of Deborah (1125 B.C.) indicates that common action

        is motivated by common allegiance to Yahweh.  Without the prior activity 

        of Moses it becomes quite difficult to give an effective explanation of this 

        Israelite tribal “confederacy.”  And if credence is to be denied the biblical 

        framework of Moses’ career, the task of explaining such a person’s crea-

        tion by later generations is a formidable one.  This common tradition must 

        have been in existence by the Israelite monarchy’s beginning. 

                   2.  Background—The only source of information for the life and 

        work of Moses is the Bible.  Archaeological evidence affords no specific 

        confirmation of either the existence or the work of Moses.  Hope of recon-

        structing any coherent career of Moses depends mainly upon the oldest 

        versions of Israel’s traditions.  The story of Moses’ birth employs folklore 

        to introduce the future deliverer.   In spite of its own edict, the Egyptian 

        throne gives shelter to the powerless infant who will one day humiliate it 

        and face it with death.  Moses is introduced in imagery common to ancient

        Near Eastern expectations of extraordinary achievement and deliverance.

                   The contradiction between Exodus 2, where Moses appears as the 

        first-born, and references implying that Miriam and Aaron are older sug-

        gests the possibility that Moses’ Levite connection isn't original.  Although

        Moses performs priestly duties, he is not pictured in the bulk of the tradi-
   tions primarily or exclusively as a priest.  Priestly actions are undertaken 

        by others. 

                   His name is apparently an old form of the Egyptian verb “to be 

        born,” which is frequently combined with divine titles to form personal 

        names.  The use of names of Egyptian derivation like Phinehas, Hophni, 

        and Merari is additional evidence of Egyptian connections.  Apart from the

        birth story, there is no indication of Moses’ connection with the Egyptian 

        court.  Attempts to connect Moses with the religious reform of the “mono-

        theistic” pharaoh Akh-en-aton have not been successful.  Egyptian influen-

        ces of many sorts may have touched Moses, but the evidence is not avail-

        able to establish those connections.

                   Moses’ connection with Midian is well attested.  Tradition is not 

        likely to have invented such involvement in view of later hostility.  Whe-

        ther Moses and Mosaic Yahwism are more deeply indebted to Jethro, the 

        “priest of Midian,” for cultic and cultural instruction and forms is a ques-

        tion long debated.  It is likely that in its earliest days Israel borrowed both 

        cultic and cultural forms from its environment in order to express its life as 

        the community of Yahweh.

                   3.  Commission—Moses is called to bring a people to Yahweh, and

        this mission which constitutes him Yahweh’s servant also constitutes the 

        people whom he serves.  Moses is to bring Israel’s sons out of Egypt under

        a sign that points to the future.  The religion with which Moses is involved

        will survive without him.  Israel is free to meet the future instructed, but 

        not shackled, by the past.  

                   Moses does not volunteer to be the liberator of Israel; he does not 

        come to the “mountain of God” (Exodus 3) as a religious exercise.  He 

        stumbles unsuspectingly upon a holy place.  In short, Moses is drafted for 

        his job.  The new knowledge of God, grasps him, and galvanizes the extra-

        ordinary and diverse powers of the man in an endeavor which will hence-

        forth dominate him utterly. 

                   Yahweh’s disclosure of Yahweh’s self to Moses is portrayed through

        the magnificent symbols of the burning bush, the holy ground, and the di-

        vine name.  Explicit disclosure of the divine name climaxes Yahweh’s mee-

        ting with Moses.   Both the Elohwist and the Priestly writers indicate that 

        the proper divine name Yahweh was not known prior to its disclosure to 

        Moses.   What Moses has to convey to his kinsmen in Egypt, therefore, is 

        not secret learning about divine mysteries, but the character of the times in

        which they live.

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                   Whatever the previous history of Yahweh’s name may have been, its

        derivation from the verb meaning “to be” underscores the enduring nature 

        of Yahweh’s presence.  “But I will be with you,” is a dynamic explanation of

        Yahweh’s name.   The Priestly account of Moses’ call is God’s covenant     

        with the patriarchs which warrants God’s action.   For the Priestly Writer

        the priest’s role at the nation’s founding is also of interest.

                   4.  Mission:  Egypt, and Passover—Moses is sent from Sinai to 

        Egypt.  He is the mediator who bears what has happened to himself to the 

        people for whom it has happened.  Moses’ task is defined by the scope of 

        Yahweh’s intention.  It involves more than religious instruction, for ideas 

        alone do not create a community.   It involves leading a group into and 

        through a common experience that will be new and perilous.  While the 

        social, economic, legal, and cultic structures may be formally patterned 

        upon those of Israel’s neighbors, they must also be able to bear the mea-

        ning of a community created by a unique historical experience.

                   Moses’ initial task is to win the allegiance of the “mixed multitude.”

        The biblical account of Moses’ efforts is cast in highly dramatic form, for 

        the ultimate protagonists are Yahweh and Pharaoh.  Although the gods of 

        Egypt are mentioned only once as Yahweh’s opponents, their power is at 

        stake in the contest.  Moses is equipped with extraordinary powers which 

        are intended to validate him before his people and win Pharaoh’s compli-

        ance.   The dramatic and symbolic character of the Mosaic signs is indica-

        ted by their failure to carry conviction.   Their ability to persuade can give 

        way before Israel’s doubts or Pharaoh’s obstinacy.

                   From these stories it is impossible to reconstruct how Moses rallied 

        his people and accomplished their departure.   The account of tension be-

        tween Moses and his people may have been colored by the tension be-

        tween prophet and people characteristic of a later time.  He cannot be ex-

        plained as a wizard.  He is unable to alter circumstances at will.  His follo-

        wers can disbelieve him and even struggle with him for power.  He dies 

        without setting foot on the land which is the goal of his labors.  

                   In order to accomplish Yahweh’s purposes, Yahweh will do as Yah-

        weh wills with what Yahweh has made.   Yahweh demands the world’s to-

        tal surrender, and the covenant people surrender.  There is little in the bib-

        lical narrative upon which to reconstruct Moses’ strategy in Egypt.   If the

        Exodus is to be dated in the early 1200s B.C., the Egyptian dynasty in-

        volved would be that of the series of Ramses who reigned from 1308-

        1216.  In the same period the Egyptian capital was relocated in the Delta 

        area at Avaris.

                  The roots of later Israelite observances—Passover and Feast of Un-

        leavened Bread, and dedication of the First-born—are here planted in the 

        soil of the exodus deliverance.   They are adaptations of heterogeneous, 

        pre-Israelite practices.  Now they assert that Yahweh has taken possession

        of his people.   Whether Moses is to be connected with such re-interpreta-

        tion may be an open question, but it would be appropriate to his work as 

        interpreter of his people’s experience in word and form.

                   5.  Mission: Crossing the Sea and Wilderness—Historical and 

        literary analysis pinpoints the Israelites’ crossing of the Sea of Reeds as 

        the catalytic moment in the experience of deliverance.  In giving life to 

        his people, Yahweh has asserted the subordination of nature and history.

        This critical moment is one in which the undisputed lordship of God can 

        be shared with no one, not even Moses.   Moses’ chief responsibility 

        seems to be to maneuver the Israelites into a position between the Egyp-

        tians and the sea from which only Yahweh’s aid can extricate them.

                   A similar perspective colors the narrative of Israel’s years in the wil-

        derness.  Physical details are subordinate to the dominant concern with

        Yahweh’s possession and nurture of his people.   The narrative describes 

        the struggle to survive.  Clearly, Yahweh’s deliverance of Israel at the Sea

        of Reeds has not transformed the harsh conditions of the Sinai Peninsula. 

        But Yahweh is represented as involved in his people’s struggle, preserving 

        their life while testing their resolve to live as Yahweh’s people. 

                 The Mosaic era biblical narratives are primarily concerned with the 

        issue of Yahweh’s mastery of people and events for Yahweh’s own pur-

        poses.  The account of Mosaic leadership affords glimpses of Moses while 

        also depicting the chief protagonist in the drama, Yahweh.  On the one 

        hand, Moses appears in radical self-denial as intercessor for his people; 

        on the other, in quick-tempered chafing under the burden of their care.

                   While Moses appears to be only incidental to the provision of quail,

        manna, and water, he acts independently on other occasions.  The stra-

        tegy in the battle against Amalek is devised without divine instruction.   

        However, the posture assumed by Moses, the outstretched hands, and the 

        rod of God are intended as evidence of the present power of God, appa-

        rent only to faith.

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                   Many of the wilderness episodes appear to have occurred in or 

        near Kadesh-barnea, an oasis somewhere southwest of the Dead Sea.  

        The battle with the Amalekites may well have been a struggle for posses-

        sion of this oasis.  Apart from the recurring theme that hardship causes 

        Israel to disbelieve the promises of God and to revolt against Moses’ 

        authority, several pointed attacks upon his authority appear to have been 

        launched at Kadesh: Miriam and Aaron; Dathan and Abiram; and Korah. 

                  Separatist tension and power struggles within the emerging wilder-

        ness community certainly seem credible.  The endeavor to interpret the 

        scope of the community, and the need to fit inherited and traditional 

        forms of life into this community was as demanding as the job was bound-

        less.  Little wonder that there were rival interpretations and definitions of

        what Israel was.  The fundamental problems in this early period would 

        engage the OT community throughout its entire life.  On the other hand, 

        72 elders who were consecrated to aid Moses in bearing the people's bur-

        den receive & work in the same energizing spirit which rests upon Moses.

        Moses even said, “Would that all Yahweh’s people were prophets . . .”

                 It has been suggested that the formative role of Kadesh in the early

        life of Israel is considerably more extensive than is now indicated.  One 

        thesis would recognize in Kadesh a pre-Mosaic cult and legal center.  

        Aaron’s and Miriam’s quarrel with Moses (Numbers 12) may conceal a 

        deeper struggle in which they were dispossessed and supplanted by 

        Moses as proprietor and priest of the center.  Israel’s stay at Kadesh pro-

        vided more than a respite from the rigors of the Sinai Peninsula.  

                   If Jethro’s visit is at Kadesh, it would be here that Israel adopted 

        certain judicial form proposed by Jethro, thus introducing into Israel a lay

        judiciary and a distinctive method, perhaps the sacred lot, for obtaining 

        instruction directly from God.  Whether or not the fact that “Aaron came 

        with all the elders of Israel to eat bread with Moses’ father-in-law” implies

        that Jethro was inducting them into the cult of Yahweh depends upon Je-

        thro’s connection with the origin of Yahwism.

                   Two other features of Israel’s wilderness encampment are the tent 

        and the ark of the covenant.  The tent, pitched outside the camp, is a tent 

        of meeting between Yahweh and Moses, & is a cult object that pertains to

        Moses alone; God graciously chooses to approach Moses there.  As a cult 

        symbol of the presence of the holy God of Sinai, the tent is appropriate to 

        the Mosaic Yahwism.

                   The ark’s suitability to the wilderness period has been more contes-

        ted.  It appears to have been a symbol used to affirm God’s presence with 

        God’s people in times of military conflict and struggle for survival; as such,

        it need not have been out of place as a wilderness shrine.  The Priestly his-

        torians’ wilderness shrine, namely the tabernacle, incorporates elements 

        from both tent and ark traditions.   The tent, ancient symbol of God’s de-

        scent into the midst of God’s people, now houses the ark, ancient symbol 

        of God’s continuing presence with God’s people.  The ark is now made 

        witness to human dependence on God’s redemptive mercy.

                   Since Moses has been the man of the law in Jewish and Christian 

        tradition, it appears incongruous at first that uncertainty should exist about 

        the legal material attributable to him.  The actual role of Moses in Israel’s 

        emergent years didn't eliminate further wrestling with what God’s will was

        in future legal, cultic, or social developments.  Adaptations of it to new cir-

        cumstances, and existence of multiple forms of the Decalogue testify that 

        this did happen.  In fact, the vitality of Israel’s legal heritage makes a chro-

        nological reconstruction of its development difficult.  Amendments, addi- 

        tions, rearrangements, and modifications took place without regard to the 

        niceties associated with the modern development of laws.

                   The form in which OT legal matter is now found reflects conditions 

        of an agricultural society, settled in Canaan.   But Israel’s legal formula-

        tions, reach back into the exodus period.  Efforts to isolate legal material of 

        Mosaic origin are closely related to attempted reconstruction of Mosaic 

        Yahwism.   However, questions about the connection of the Sinai theme 

        with the other themes of the exodus and wilderness tradition have been in-

        dicated above.   If the story of Israel at Sinai was a separate tradition, it 

        might be that Moses was imported into the Sinai narrative from an original 

        connection with Exodus.  Or, the attachment of Moses to both groups of 

        events could be original, but the traditions may have developed in separate

        ways.  

                   6.  Mission:  Mount Sinai Revelation—The Mount Sinai revelation 

        confirms and climaxes the deliverance from Egypt.  The earth-shattering 

        implications of dependence upon a deliverer who is holy are now dramati-

        cally portrayed.   Even Mount Sinai trembles.   The appropriate response 

        which God seeks from his people, however, is not cowering, but free and 

        vigorous obedience.   Having promised obedience to this will, the people 

        are bound to their covenant.

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                   In the Sinai narrative the characteristic mark of Mosaic Yahwism is

        apparent: the intensely personal, dynamic will of the holy God, who claims 

        exclusive allegiance from all areas of life.  God’s will is formulated in two 

        general types of law.  The dominant type describes specific penalties for 

        specific actions.  The “If . . ., then . . .” formula employed is part of the com-

        mon Semitic legal heritage. 

                   The other type of law states the divine requirement unconditionally.  

        The origin of unconditional law must lie in Israel’s unique encounter with 

        the divine lawgiver as holy, personal will.  Moses interprets this encounter, 

        and may be responsible for the creation of this legal formulation.  The ta-

        bles of the law which Moses was given don’t come into consideration at 

        this point.   Presumably they would include more than a compact deca-

        logue, being inscribed on both sides and thus necessitating Moses’ long 

        stay on the mountain.

                   What stands out clearly is that it is Moses who proclaims Yahweh as

        the God of uncontainable energy and passion.  Mosaic Yahwism knows a 

        God from whose demands no power in heaven or earth can provide an 

        escape.  The power with which Moses stamped such witness upon biblical 

        faith is the incomparable work he accomplished in the history of Yahweh’s 

        people.

                   7.  Moses:  Beyond Exodus—The biblical material itself acknow-

        ledges Moses’ incomparable position in very interesting ways.   He is 

        unique not only among his contemporaries but also among his succes- 

        sors.   No imitator or rival appears in Israel’s history; perhaps King David 

        comes closest to being such.  This servantship is one, not of servility, but 

        of confidence and freest exchange between lord and servant.  The conver-

        sation is “face to face,” the kind of stance in which “a man speaks to his 

        friend” directly and does not conceal anything.  Even if Moses’ request to 

        see Yahweh’s glory must be denied, the divine name is proclaimed to him. 

                   The intimacy of relation to God which sets Moses apart is not a hu-

        man or religious capacity, capable of imitation.  Moses must finally stand 

        together with all the peoples of the OT under a common judgment: there 

        is no perfectly obedient person in Israel.  The covenant's renewal with faith-

        less  Israel takes place in him.  Just as his position as mediator confirms

        the distance between God and humans, so his own career finally sets him 

        on the human side.  See also the entry in the OT/Influences Outside the 

        Bible section of the Appendix.

                   In the New Testament (NT) the most frequently mentioned OT figure

        is Moses.  The NT picture of Moses corresponds more closely to the re-

        strained characterization of the OT than to Judaism's later developments.  

        Moses appears in the NT in many of his OT roles, but he is mostly the law-

        giver.  Moses speaks of the coming of the Messiah and his suffering.  The 

        appearance of Moses together with Elijah at the transfiguration of Jesus 

        suggests the witness of the law and the Prophets that Messiah must suffer. 

                It is not only as lawgiver and prophet, however that Moses concerns 

        the NT.  His entire career and the history in which he is involved are taken 

        to be patterns of life under the new covenant.   The nativity story of Jesus 

        reveals the Mosaic theme of the infant deliverer snatched from the evil de-

        signs of an earthly tyrant.  The proclamation of the new law from the moun-

        tain presents Jesus as the living voice from Sinai.  The NT’s “dispensation 

        of righteousness” far exceeds the OT’s “dispensation of condemnation.”  

        The distinguishing mark of the former is the presence of the Spirit in the 

        community.  The counterbalancing of Moses and Christ is especially pro-

        nounced in Hebrews.  Moses was a faithful servant in God’s house; Christ 

        is a son; “the law was given through Moses; grace and truth came through 

        Jesus Christ.”

                In another sense the NT has described the first Moses from the per-

        spective of the second Moses.  He prefers abuse for Christ to the treasures

        of the Egypt, and ill-treatment to the “fleeting pleasures of sin.”   In the NT,

        Christ and Moses, church and Israel, are inseparably linked to one another,

        declaring the unity and the distinction within the one story of God’s mighty 

        deeds of salvation.

MOST HIGH  (עליון (el ee on), the Supreme)  The usual translation of the 

        Hebrew name Elyon, an ancient West Semitic name for El, the heavenly 

        father of the gods.  The name was appropriated by Israel and redefined 

        according to the faith in Yahweh.

MOST HOLY PLACE (קדש הקדשים (ko desh  ha keh daw sheem), holy of 

        holies)  A phrase designating, first, the innermost tabernacle room.  It was 

        set off from the rest of the tabernacle by a veil.  Inside was the ark of testi-

        mony.  In this room the high priest made yearly atonement for the people.  

        The phrase “most holy place” is applied also to the Jerusalem temple’s 

        innermost room, sometimes called “Debir.”  The room was a cube of 20 

        cubits (9 meters); it contained 2 olive-wood cherubim whose wings 

        reached from wall to wall.  In the Letter to the Hebrews, the inner shrine, 

        sometimes called the “Holy Place,” is a symbol of Christ’s redemption.   

        The place where Aaronic priests ate the offerings reserved from the fire 

        was also called a most holy place.

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MOTE  (karfoV (kar fos), small, dry, thing)  Translation of word in Matthew 7 

        and Luke 6.

MOTH (עש, awsh, from the root “to waste”; shV (ses))  The clothes moth who

        lays eggs in wool or furs, upon which the larvae then feed.  This destructive

        quality is referred to in Psalm 39; Isaiah 50, 51; Hosea 5; Job 4, 27; and 

        Matthew 6.   James 5 compares riches, to worthless, “moth-eaten” 

        garments.

MOUNT, MOUNTAIN  (הר (har); oroV (oh ros), lift above [the plain])  The 

        mountains or hills of Bible lands include 2 “ridges,” one west of the Jor-

        dan Rift, composing the elevated terrain in Galilee, Samaria, and Judah;  

        the other east of the Jordan, extending south from Mount Hermon through 

        Gilead, Ammon, Moab, and Edom.  The following figures indicate eleva-

        tions of famous mounts in meters: Ebal, 934; Gerizim, 876; Gilboa, 494; 

        Hermon, 2,800; Nebo, 800; Tabor, 585; Sinai (Jebel Musa), 2,273.   Other

        biblical mountains include:  Ararat; Carmel; and Moriah.  For the geologic 

        formation of the mountains in Palestine, see Palestine, Geology of.   Moun-

        tains are mentioned as:  places of worship; part of God’s creation; geogra-

        phical boundaries; and scenes of combat.  Mountains are often mentioned 

        figuratively in referring to stability.

MOUNT OF ASSEMBLY, CONGREGATION (הר מועד (har  mo awd), 

        Mount of Congregation)  In a mythological description Babylon is likened 

        to the ill-fated Day Star who attempted to scale the heights of heaven and 

        “sit on the mount of assembly. . .”

MOUNTAIN-SHEEP (זמר (zeh mer), gazelle)  It can only be described as a 

        reasonable supposition that the animal is a species of wild sheep.  Wild 

        sheep are still known in the Mediterranean area.  It is probable that they 

        were found in or near biblical Palestine.

MOURNING (ספד (saw fad), lament; קינה (keen aw), lament [poem]) Lamen-

        tation and other funerary rites were as much a duty as burial; their absence

        was considered a grave misfortune.  Biblical laments (I Kings 14; Job 27; 

        Jeremiah 16; 22; 25) weren't left to the inspiration of grief, but were deter-

        mined by ritual.  Likewise tears were to be shed ritually and at the proper 

        moment.  Lamentation began right after death.   It was continued on the 

        way to the tomb and around the tomb, but did not end with burial; mour-

        ning lasted seven days. 

                   The predominance of the ritual aspect over the psychological led to 

        giving an important place to professional mourners.  Not only was a cer-

        tain technique expected of them, but also more or less magical knowledge

        and gifts, the secrets of which were handed down from generation to gene-

        ration.  These mourners uttered cries and wrote poems.  Among spontane-

        ous cries may be cited David’s elegies for Saul and Jonathan.  Jeremiah’s 

        lamentations and the satirical laments for Babylon, Tyre, and Egypt may 

        be examples of poems. 

                 We may distinguish three essential themes in the lament.  The 1st, 

        main theme is the eulogy of the dead, which generally exceeds historical  

        truth and always describes them as exceptional human beings.  The 2nd

        theme is the lament, which is particularly passionate in cases of violent 

        death, and is transformed into a demand for vengeance or a curse.  The 

        dreariness of existence in Sheol is frequently contrasted with life on earth.

        The 3rd theme is consolation.  The good memory left by the dead person 

        and the perpetuating of his name will ease the sorrow of those who remain

        behind.

                   The qenaw or lament employs a verse whose second part is always 

        shorter than the first.  Certain indications seem to point to a dialogue form 

        of the lament.  The lament was accompanied by musical instruments.  The

        flute was the preferred instrument of mourning.  Both the mesafad and the 

        qenaw were entirely earthly in origin; God’s name was never pronounced.  

        The dead person was only a human being whose life had value purely in 

        terms of the way it had been lived and not in terms of what it was destined 

        become.

MOUSE (עכבר (ak bawr)) Any one of a large number of rodents.  In the 1880s,

        Tristram identified no fewer than 23 members of this group in Palestine.  

        Isaiah 66 seemingly refers to a ritual unconnected to the worship of Yah-

        weh in which mice were eaten.  The reference in I Samuel 6 to “mice that 

        ravage the land” may point to a local variety of vole.

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MOUTH  (פה (peh))  The word is used extensively and with the following prin-

        cipal connotations:  the organs of eating and drinking; figuratively, that 

        which finds things sweet; an external organ used for kissing; much more

        often, the organ of speech; the mouth of God, from which fire comes 

        forth; and the opening or orifice of a well or cave.  Peh is used in combi-

        nation with various prepositions.

MOWING  (גזז (gaw zaz), cut, shear)  The reference to the “king’s mowing” in 

        Amos 7 is to the first growth cut as taxes to support the ruler.

MOZA (מוצא, going out, race or breed)  1. A descendant of Judah, born of the

        concubine of Caleb.  (I Chronicles 2)  2.  A descendant of Saul; son of 

        Zimri; father of Binea (I Chronicles 8, 9)

MOZAH  (המצה)  A city in Benjamin (Joshua 18), probably 6.4 km northwest

        of Jerusalem.  After the Great War Against Rome, Vespasian settled 800 

        soldiers there, giving it the name Colonia Emmaus.

MUGHARAH, WADI EL- (Valley of the caves)  A valley in which caves con-

        taining important prehistoric remains have been found, located on the 

        lower western slope of Mount Carmel.   Flanking the mouth of the val-

        ley are two limestone bluffs; in the southern one are four caves.  The 

        “Cave of the Valley (elWad),” “Cave of the Oven (el-Tabun),” and 

        “Cave of the Kids (el- Skhul)” contain the stratified remains of several 

        Stone Age cultures. 

                   These excavations firmly established the Stone Age chronology 

        of Palestine through the discovery of a long and apparently continuous 

        series of flint industries.  Important light was shed on the development 

        of early man.  A number of skeletons were found which show charac-

        teristics of both Neanderthal man and Homo sapiens.   In addition, much

        was learned about the characteristic fauna of the different periods.

MULBERRY TREES (בכא (baw ka), shrub; sukaminoV (sie ka me nos))  Re-

        ference to the fruit of the mulberry is found in II Samuel 5, I Chronicles 14,

        and apocryphal I Maccabees 6.   In Luke 17 Jesus refers to this tree, here 

        called sykamenos in a parable concerning faith.   The black (or red) mul-

        berry is common in Palestine, and its juicy fruit is highly prized.

MULE  (פרד (paw rawd))  The hybrid offspring of an ass and a horse, properly

        of a male ass and a mare.  Mules first appear in the Old Testament only in 

        David’s time.  Since the law against crossbreeding animals was generally 

        observed, any mules the Hebrews possessed must have come from Gen-

        tiles; Phoenicia may have been one of the sources of the mules used in Is-

        rael.  Mules, controlled by bit and bridle, are first mentioned as riding ani-

        mals, used by the court and the aristocracy.  They were also employed as 

        burden-bearers.

MUPPIM  (מפים)  Son of Benjamin (Genesis 46).

MURMUR (לון (lone)) To express dissatisfaction or anger by quiet, often 

        inarticulate, and resentful complaint.

MURRAIN (דבר (daw bawr), pestilence, plague)  The King James Version

        translation of the Hebrew word, referring to an infectious disease affec-

        ting animals.

MUSHI (מושי, tried)  One of four or five families of Levite priests located 

        around Hebron some time between Deborah and David.  In the Priestly 

        writings and in Chronicles, Mushi was the second son of Merari and the 

        source of the name of one of the two divisions of Levites descended from 

        Merari.

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MUSIC.  Music as an art form was a concept alien to the ancient world.  Music 

        was then an organic part of daily life, linked to all human concerns, from 

        birth to death. 

                   List of Topics:   1. Biblical Evidence;     2. Interpretation

        of Musical References;      3.  Musical Labels and Terms;      

        4. Musical Tunes;     5. Character of Biblical Music;    

        6. Music in the New Testament (NT) Era;       7. Oxyrhynchus

        Hymn;     8. Musical Instruments;        9. Idiophones;   

        10. Aerophones;     11. Chordophones.

                   1. Biblical Evidence—The first biblical reference links music 

        with a mythical personage, “Jubal, who was the father of all those who 

        play the lyre and pipe.”   The main function of music in the early times 

        of biblical history was social merrymaking, martial noisemaking, magical

        incantations, and worship. Often the music barely exceeded the level of 

        organized noisemaking, especially when the purpose was to terrorize the 

        enemy.    Listed below are various functions of music in Israel and the 

        scriptural passages they appear in:

                   Function                                Scriptural Passage 
       Banquet and feast         Isaiah 5, 24

            Dirges and laments        II Samuel 1; II Chronicle 35
       Family parties               Genesis 31; Luke 15 

            Harem, court music       II Samuel 19; Ecclesiastes 2  
       Hero acclamation          Judges 11; I Samuel 18                    

            King’s enthronement     Judges 7; I Kings 1; II Kings 11         
             with Martial Music   II Chronicles 13, 20    
       Magical incantations      Exodus 28; Joshua 6;    I Samuel 16; II 

                   Kings 3
       Occupational songs       Numbers 21; Judges 9;  Isaiah 16; Jeremiah 

                   31,48

                                                        

                   Before the establishment of the kingdom under Saul, it was the wo-

        men who played a major part in the performance of music.  Characteristic

        of all these cases is the familiar picture of a female chorus, dancing and 

        singing.   Remnants of these choruses of dancing women still survive in 

        isolated Jewish communities.    Professional musicians do not appear be-

        fore David’s time.  We may assume that the systematic import and subse-

        quent training of professional musicians took place in the era of David and 

        Solomon.   With the emergence of professional musicians, active in the 

        temple and the royal courts, the women’s songs dwindled to insignifi 

        cance.   Henceforth, trained singers and instrumentalists were considered 

        functionaries of high rank.

                   There is but one step from a musical incantation to religious music. 

        Cultic music appears on 3 or 4 levels in the Old Testament (OT): in the 

        frenzied songs of professional prophets; in the Priestly Code in Leviticus 

        and Numbers, and in the religious works of Levitic professionals.  The OT

        still has some of the magical use of music.  Magical powers attributed to 

        bells account for their presence on the high priest’s robe.

                   It is difficult to ascertain when liturgical music became a regular in-

        stitution in Israel.  The earlier historical accounts, especially in II Samuel, 

        do not mention organized temple music.  It is important to bear in mind 

        that all music of the temple was nothing but an accessory to sacrificial ritu-

        al.  The inherent connection between the sacrifice and its accompanying 

        music is still an unsolved puzzle.  Whatever the original function of sacrifi-

        cial music, it was forbidden immediately after the destruction of the temple

        in 70 A.D.    There is ample reason to believe that the Levites refused to di-

        vulge their “trade secrets” and took them to their graves.

                   The music of the temple has been a subject of fascination to many 

        authors.  It was considered an unattainable aim to create music that could 

        match it in grandeur.  The Assyrian king Sennacherib’s tribute from King 

        Hezekiah consisted in part of Judean musicians, male and female.  To ask 

        for musicians as tribute and to show interest in the folk music of a van-

        quished enemy was unusual indeed.

                   2.  Interpretation of Musical References—The enigmatic musical 

        labels which occur mainly at the opening of psalms constitute a real musi-

        cal terminology; it is, however, almost intelligible to us.  There are 2terms 

        in particular that reflect the wide interpretations of these terms.  Alalamoth 

        is either a musical instruction involving flutes, or is part of the title of a 

        tune used (“Upon Maiden, to the Son.”).   

                   Sher hama’aloth is translated  several different ways by biblical 

        scholars; a more recent interpretation being “Pilgrimage Song”.   These 15

        psalms may have been sung by the Levites standing on the 15 steps be-

        tween the court of the women and that of the Israelites.  When the Greek 

        was written, either the original meaning of these musical terms was then 

        generally forgotten, or it was still a secret closely guarded by the priestly

        caste.

                                            3.  Musical Labels and Terms

            למנצה (lam meh nats tsay ha), to the choirmaster, leader of musici-

                ans.  It  occurs 55 times in Psalms. 

            מזמור (miz mor), song, hymn (e.g. “A Psalm of the Sons of Korah”;

           Psalm 87)

            מכתם (mik tam), golden psalm (e.g. “A Mikhtam of David”; 

                 Psalm 16) 

            משכיל (mas keel), devout or instructive poem (e.g. “A Maskil of 

                Asaph”; Psalm 78)

            נגינות (neh geen noth), with stringed instruments; Psalm 4, 6, 54-

                55, 61, 67, 76

            נחילות (neh khee loth), for the flutes; Psalm 5

            סלה (seh law), interlude, pause (conductor direction, signal for cym-

                bals) occurs 71 times in 39 psalms   

עלמות              (‘ah lay moth), musical instruments; Psalm 9

            שיר (sheer), sacred song, hymn (e.g. “Of the Korahites.  A Psalm. 

                A song”; Psalm 87)

            שיר המעלות (sheer  ha mah ‘ah loth), A song of steps, degrees; 

                Pilgrimage song.  Psalm 120-134 

            שמינית (sheh mih neeth), eight-stringed instrument, octave (“ac-

                cording to the Sheminith” Psalms 6,12)

                                                            4. Musical Tunes

                   All of these songs are long forgotten, and their melodies lost forever.

        Regarding ‘al-tashkheth (Do Not Destroy) psalms, their content suggest 

        that the headings may not refer to music but to their common theme.

              אל־תשחת (‘al-tash kheth), “Do not Destroy”; Psalm 57-59; 75

              על־אילת חשחר (‘al-ay yeh leth  hash-shah khar), “Deer of the

                Dawn”; Psalm 22.

            על־יונת אלם רחקים (‘al-yo nath  ‘el em  reh kho keem), 

                “Dove on Far-off  Terebinths”; Psalm 56

            על־שושן עדות (‘al-shoo shan  ‘eh dooth), “The Lily of the 

                Testimony”; Psalm 60

             על־ששנים (‘al-sho shan neem),  ‘Upon the Lilies”; Psalm 45

            עלמות לבן (‘al muth  lab ben), probably “Upon Maiden,” “To 

                the Son”; Psalm 9

                   In the surprisingly large Hebrew vocabulary of music, the terms for

        vocal music outnumber by far the purely instrumental ones.   A certain dis-

        tinction is made in the OT between a spontaneous hymn, inspired by a spe-

        cific occasion, a more or less popular song, and a liturgical composition or 

        chant.  Under such circumstances, all interpreters of scripture felt obliga-

        ted to expound and explain every biblical statement which refers to the 

        temple’s musical liturgy.   Imitations of psalms were widespread and popu-

        lar.   In comparison with these highly developed and artistic forms only a 

        few of the popular ditties have come down to us.

                   Of all the songs, it is the Psalms which display most clearly their 

        musical structure.  There is ample evidence that the art of singing was dili-

        gently cultivated.  The musical training of a Levitical singer took at least 5 

        years of intensive preparation.  What is now called psalmody was not the 

        original practice of psalm-rendering.  The very diversified heading of the 

        psalms seem to preclude a uniform psalmody and with it the assumption 

        that the chant of primitive Christianity was a direct heritage of the temple. 

                   There are indications or “stage directions” in the text of psalms, 

        which reflect their practice of performance in the Second Temple.  First, 

        there are formal doxologies at the end of each of the 5 books of the Psalter.

        The 8-fold alphabetic stanzas of Psalm 119 indicate their use in aiding 

        memorization.  Also, there is the frequent appearance of refrains and recur-

        rent acclamations of “Blessed” or “Hallelujah.”

                By far the most unifying feature of the Psalter is its poetic parallelism

        in its two “rhymes of thought.” This well-known poetic device suggests a     

        corresponding musical rendition.  3 music forms, born of the psalmists’ 

        genius, have become the outstanding chant patterns: plain psalmody, re-

        sponse, and litany with refrain.  These closely knit poetic structures were 

        intended for solemn, well-organized musical representation.

                  Practice and performance is perhaps the most obscure of all the pro-

        blems which concern the music of the Bible.  The concept of nonfunctional

        art is alien to the ancient Orient.  Even the loftiest psalm served a more or 

        less definable purpose.  The functions of music were: merrymaking, dance,

        minstrelsy, lament, accompaniment for prophetic utterances, memorization,

        magic, working songs, military signals, and worship. 

                   The Bible itself provides us with scant technical details.  All the other

        functions are also to be found in the Bible, but in the form of laws, narra-

        tives or anecdotal incidents.  Apocryphal writings tell us little about the sub-

        ject of music.  Authors writing in Greek take interest in it only toward the 

        end of the 100s A.D.   The student of music must consider these late sour-

        ces in the absence of direct biblical evidence.

                   In the following examination a distinction is made between folk mu-

        sic and that of professional musicians, who emerged in Israel in David and 

        Solomon's time.  The biblical literature describes these songs as spontane-

        ous outbursts of excited or exalted masses.   We have only a few remarks 

        of Herodotus about Egyptian practices, which were similar to those of an-

        cient Hebrew popular singing.   In Phoenicia and Syria almost all popular 

        music reflected the worship of Ishtar, and was a prelude to sexual orgies

        in honor of the goddess.

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                   Israel’s early singing resembled those practices closely in perfor-

        mance but differed radically in its intent.  The biblical lost books “The Wars

        of the Lord” and “The Book of Yashar” seem to have contained a collection

        of popular songs, including David’s lament for Saul and Jonathan.   Short 

        lines of 5 to 7 syllables are usually sung upon the same melodic phrase; 

        this kind of rendition is even today used in Near Eastern chant.

                   The notion that the temple in Jerusalem had a never-changing, infle-

        xible musical tradition is naïve.  The fact is that the Levites studied text and

        music of “new hymns.”  What these new hymns were, we do not know; but

        a change in the musical repertoire was nothing unheard of.  The instrumen-

        tal accompaniment re-produced the vocal line with slight deviations. 

                   According to the Talmud, during the temple’s existence there was a 

        distinction made between certain archetypes of Levitical songs.   The so-

        lemn, straightforward type of the shira applies to poetic texts on festive oc-

        casions.  The exuberant, praise-chant, the halila is suitable for high festival.

        The syllabic psalmody zimra is appropriate for Mishna study.  These arche-

        types of performance constituted the usual temple ritual. 

                   The merriest of all the festivals was the “Feast of Drawing Water.”  

        It was the most joyous and the most musical temple festivity.  After the pre-

        parations, the first day of Tabernacles, the “men of good deeds” began to 

        dance before the people.   The Levites, having stationed themselves upon 

        the 15 steps, took up instruments and intoned the 15 “Songs of Ascent.”  At

        the sound of the first cockcrow, the general frolicking ended, and the crowd

        ranged itself into an orderly procession to the Siloah.  Today, this music 

        and dance festival is the one remnant of old Canaanite fertility rituals.  This

        was perhaps the only occasion where popular music-making was allowed 

        to mix with the otherwise sternly guarded prerogative of Levitical music.

                   5. Character of Biblical Music—We have no technical evidence 

        concerning the details of popular and secular song in Israel; but with regard

        to temple music, there are certain historical facts which lend themselves to 

        interpretation.   They concern:  the continuity and unity of the Jewish musi-

        cal tradition; certain remnants of ancient Jewish music in the plain chant of 

        Judaism and Christianity; and ancient Jewish chant.   Some scholars deny 

        any continuity of musical tradition since the destruction of the temple.  

        Other scholars assumes a rigid and strict adherence to ancient tradition. 

                   The moderates use historical documents to prove the continuity of 

        musical tradition in Judaism.   During the last century of the temple’s exis-

        tence, the Pharisees (rabbis) succeeded in establishing a synagogue in 

        the very area of the temple.   This synagogue, a democratic institution 

        within the temple was the “Solomon’s hall” of the New Testament.  The 

        Levitical instructors in this synagogue sought to preserve as much of the 

        temple’s ritual customs for the academy of Jabne.  They formed a strong 

        link in the chain of tradition at a most critical time.   The strong resem-

        blance of ancient Hebrew tradition to the Christian plain chant's old strata, 

        impel us to assume a common source for such similarities.

                   Early on, some church fathers insisted that the church be consi-

        dered the heir of ancient temple and synagogue traditions.  The first exa-

        mina tions of the relationship between Christian and Hebrew chant were 

        very cautious and reached no solid conclusions.  A Jewish composer and 

        writer avoided this question and instead emphasized the differences of 

        Gregorian and Hebrew chant.  The French musicologist Gastoue gave the 

        first clear proof  of the ancient relationship of Jewish and Christian chant.  

        Another musicologist demonstrated a close connection of certain melodies

        in the Yemenite tradition with the oldest Gregorian chants.

                   The scholars of the Renaissance and Reformation broke with the 

        medieval tradition of a mystic temple.  They limited themselves, however 

        to the study of texts and documents and overlooked the possibility that the

        Near East of their own times might have preserved traces of ancient Semi-

        tic music.   This idea was championed in word and deed, by Villoteau 

        (1759-1839).  Some of his fundamental statements and principles of his ap-

        proach remain landmarks of comparative musicology.  Modern research 

        has utilized the newly excavated treasures of cuneiform libraries, and Isra-

        el’s soil has yielded a few musical relics.  Concerted efforts have been 

        made to compare the ancient, Near East melodic elements and to establish

        their age and origin.

                   The following are basic characteristics of ancient Hebrew music.   

        1st, their musical scale is the one used in modern Western culture, and 

        their songs use 4 contiguous notes on that scale.   2nd, Hebrew music in-

        clines to crystallizing stereotyped melodic patterns, which were organized

        into modes.   3rd, each of these modes was believed to possess its own 

        ethos, which corresponded to the 4 elements, the 4 humors of the human 

        body, and the 4 seasons of the year.  4th, Clement of Alexandria  has left  

        us a general  description of the psalmody of Egyptian Jewry, which was 

        shaped in conformity with the chant of Palestinian Jewry.

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                   5th, certain psalmodic formulas and cadences occur in Yemenite as

        well as in the oldest strata of Gregorian chant.   6th, ancient Hebrew music

        didn't make the distinction between composer and performer; every singer

        improvised his songs upon the motifs which belonged to the treasury of 

        common folk songs.   The idea of originality is unknown to Semitic musici-

        ans even up to this day.   7th, the chant of ancient Hebrews was rhythmi-

        cal, but probably free of fixed meter.

                   6. Music in the New Testament (NT) Era—The books of the NT 

        are, from a historical point of view, limited to a short period, namely the 70 

        years before the temple’s destruction.   They address themselves to the 

        world which had been influenced by Greek culture.   Neither the gospels 

        nor the epistles display any particular interest in the ritual and the liturgy of

        the temple.  The apostles all came from the synagogue and were at home 

        there.  They had no use for hierarchical traditions and were thus in accord 

        with the Pharisees.

                   Aside from the customary music of temple and synagogue, the 

        books of the NT speak of music mainly as an integral part of the daily life 

        of Palestine.  The references to musical activity are as follows: 

                    Religious or liturgical chant—Matthew 26:30; Mark 14:26; Acts 

            16:25; I Corinthian 14:15; I Corinthians 14:26; Ephesians 5:19; Colos-

            sians 3:16; Hebrews 2:12; James 5:13

                    Funeral rites—Matthew 9:23

                    Prophetic passages—Matthew 24:31; I Corinthian 15:52; I Thes-

            salonians 4:16; Hebrew 12:19

                    Merrymaking—Luke 15:25

                    Metaphorical usage of musical terms—Matthew 6:2; Matthew 

            11:17; Luke 7:32; I Corinthians 13:1;  I Corinthians 14:7-8

                  These passages contain a number of metaphorical sentences, where

        music or its instruments are not to be understood literally, as in Paul’s “If I 

        . . . have not love, I am a noisy gong or a clanging cymbal.  This passage 

        cannot be fully understood without some knowledge of Pharisaic Jewry.  

        Implicit in this passage is the contempt of all instrumental music, which is

        vastly different from the Gentile attitude.  Paul denounced their usage on 

        account of their role in the mystery cults.   He considers all musical instru-

        ments “lifeless” or “soulless.”  Furthermore, “The women should keep si-

        lence in the churches.”   Music, both vocal and instrumental, plays an ex-

        ceptional high exalted role in some of the apocalyptic writings, like the 

        Dead Sea Scroll of the War of the Children of Light and the Children of 

        Darkness.

                   The first 3 centuries of the church witnessed many controversies; 

        some of them concerned themselves directly with music.   1st, if we de-

        fine a doxology as a praise of God in the third person with emphasis upon 

        God’s infinity, the church had a great number of spontaneous and highly 

        individualized doxologies (e.g. Romans 11; II Corinthian 11; Philippians 4;

        I Timothy 1); all of them were patterned after the Hebrew models in the 

        Psalter.  The “standardized” lesser doxology Gloria Patri was introduced 

        later, and finally ratified at the second synod of Vaison in 529.  Through 

        this process organized prayer and chant gained a decided victory over 

        spontaneous worship.   Western chant tends more and more toward codifi-

        cation and systematization.

                2nd, at the end of the 100s the Byzantine, Syrian, and later the Arme-

        nian church showed a marked preference for new, non-scriptural hymns, 

        even though the Council of Laodicea prohibited them.  Musically speaking

        this resulted in the relatively larger number of metrical tunes in the Eastern 

        tradition.   The West remained conservative, faithful to scripture and admit-

        ted non-scriptural Latin hymns to its official liturgy only in the 600s and 

        700s A.D.

                  Another, 3rd factor in the formation and expansion of early Chris-

        tian music was its Gentile wing.   In Greek music there is no parallelism, 

        not even a trace of lines similar to each other in length or in the number of 

        accentuated syllables.    An example of the synthesis of Greek and Jewish 

        chant is presented by the Oxyrhynchus Hymn, the oldest notated Christian 

        hymn (See below); each verse is followed by four amens.  The allusion to 

        Psalms 19, 93, 148 and other biblical passages seems obvious.

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                                                       7. Oxyrhynchus Hymn

      Greek                                                                      English translation

        Pryt aneo                                                     all splendid creations of God . . .

            siga to med astra faesfora leipes-           must not keep silent, nor shall 

            thon potamon rothion pasai                    the stars remain

       umnoun ton demov patera  kai            All waves of thundering streams 

            uion kai agion pneuma                            shall praise our Father, Son, 

                                                                             and Holy Ghost

       pasai dynameis epifo noun                      all powers shall  join in;

            ton

        amen, amen                                              Amen, Amen

Kratos ainos doteri mono pan-                Rule and Praise to the sole Giver     

           ton agathon                                            of all Good

        amen, amen                                           Amen, amen

                   Greek chant limited itself to a strictly syllabic relation of word and 

        tone.  One syllable corresponded to one and only one tone.  The Oxyrhyn-

        chus Hymn breaks with this principle especially in the 4 Amens.  The in-

        troduction of psalmody into the ancient Greek and Roman world came like

        a revolutionary event.  Greek writers unfamiliar with psalmody found it 

        strange.  On the other hand, those apostles or fathers with Hebrew or Ara-

        maic backgrounds, such as Paul, refer to psalmody as to something fami-

        liar to them.

                4th, the superiority of vocal over instrumental music was a general 

        tenet of Christian aesthetics.  For the short span of Israel’s prosperity under

        the first Hasmoneans, instrumental music was popular at banquets.  At first

        the Pharisee welcomed banquet music in their houses, but this urbane atti-

        tude vanished under the unceasing pressure of Pharisaic puritanism. 

        While Paul objected to musical instruments based upon the Pharisaic view,

        the later Christian authorities despised instrumental music because of its 

        use by the pagan theater and circus, with their licentious female musici-

        ans.  The church needed 3 centuries of severe legislation to eradicate at 

        the least the worst of these orgiastic customs.

                5th and finally, the most decisive steps in the development of Chris-

        tian chant were taken in the period of early monasticism.  From the very 

        beginning, even during its Jewish phase, monasticism cultivated choral

        singing as an integral part of its observance.  The majority of Christian 

        monks in Egypt and Palestine championed organized choral chant, often 

        in the face of a sternly opposed authority.  The musical endeavors of the 

        monastic orders came to fruition in the West.

                   Augustine may perhaps be considered the pivotal figure in the de-

        velopment of chant.  By birth and inclination a Semite, he was won over 

        to Western culture and views in the field of music.  He was the last expo-

        nent of a uniform musical tradition within the church.   Soon after his 

        death, the regional and ethnic forces caused the East-West split between 

        the churches.  The Eastern church remained essentially stagnant in liturgi-

        cal chant, while the Western church became the main agent in the gigantic 

        development of Western music.

                    8. Musical Instruments— Many of the books of the Old Testa-

        ment (OT) and some of the New Testament (NT) refer in detail to musical

        instruments.  All musical instruments mentioned in scripture became a sub-

        ject of creative speculation.  For sources we have the Bible and its transla-

        tions; rabbinic and patristic literature; and descriptions transmitted by Ro-

        man or Greek authors; the Bible actually provides very little information 

        on musical instruments.  The available rabbinic and patristic literature was 

        written at least 150 years after the temple’s destruction.   Roman and 

        Greek descriptions also demand prudent evaluation.

                   The archaeological evidence consists of pictorial representations of

        temple instruments or discoveries of musical instruments in Palestine and 

        the neighboring countries.  The relief on the Arch of Titus in Rome, and the

        coins issued by Hasmonean kings have pictures of instruments.   The fin-

        dings of archaeological excavations are even richer; many instruments 

        were discovered in Ur.

                   9. Idiophones:

Hebrew and Greek Vocabulary

      פעמנים (pah ‘ah moh neem, bell)        מנענעים (meh na ‘ah na ‘eem), 

      צלתים (meh tsay leh theem,                     rattle

      צלצלים (tseh law tsah leem,                 תף (tofe), tambourine

            cymbals) 

      calkoV  (kal kos), gong cymbals) 

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                    This first type of instrument includes bells, cymbals, rattles, and 

        gongs.  There are 2 types of bells mentioned.  First, there are pa’amo-

        neem, fastened to the hem of the high priest’s robe.  By striking together 

        at the priest’s every movement, they produced a jingling sound.   Metsa-

        lath are mentioned only in Zechariah 14.   These bells are shaped like little 

        metal disks and are fastened to a horse’s bridle.   Metsalethim or cymbals 

        were used only by men, perhaps only by priests.   Tselatsalim were also 

        cymbals, used purely as signaling instruments.  They were further qualified 

        by their shape and whether they were held horizontally or vertically. 

                   The me’na’naim were like rattles with handles.  They served, exact-

        ly as in Egypt, the emotional extremes of jubilation and deep mourning.  

        The tofe or tambourine was a typical women’s instrument.  Although it oc-

        curs in the Psalter and in religious hymns, it wasn't permitted in the temple,

        possibly due to the strong female symbolism and its use in fertility rites.   

        The chalkos or gong of the love poem in I Corinthians 13 appeared in its 

        smaller form as a kind of handbell.

                 10. Aerophones

                                            Hebrew and Greek Vocabulary

        עוגב (‘oog gawb), flute                             קרן (kaw rawn), horn

        משרקיתא (ma sheh ro kih                   יובל (yo bayl), horn

            thaw), pipe, flute 

        חליל (khaw leel), pipe, flute, pri-         חצוצרות (ka tsoh tseh roth), 
       mitive clarinet                                          trumpets    

        aulos (aw los), pipe, flute                      שופר (shoh par), trumpet, 

                                                                               curved horn

                   “Flute” and “pipe” are used to translate several words. The New Re-

        vised Standard Version uses “pipe” for ‘uggab, which was apparently a se-

        cular instrument and is never listed in the temple orchestra because of its 

        erotic uses.  The masherokitha, made of reeds, wood, or bones, was as pri-

        mitive as its tone was coarse.   It was not considered fit for liturgical 

        purposes.

                   The khaleel was the most popular of woodwinds in the Near East. 

        The instrument was a primitive clarinet.  One rabbi states: “Many kinds of 

        musical instruments were there, but because the khaleel’s sound was 

        more audible than the rest, all of them are called by its name.”  khaleels 

        served to express extreme joy as well as deep mourning.   Its liturgical 

        function is dubious to say the least, and limited to only 12 to 18 times be-

        fore the altar.  It was extremely popular for secular purposes and was used 

        at weddings, banquets, and funerals.

                   The karan or horn was a wind instrument made of animal horn, 

        wood, or metal.  It seems to stand for any kind of horn and or tuba.  Appa-

        rently the horn in its primitive form was popular in Canaan before Joshua’s 

        time.   The yobayl was strictly a signaling instrument.   The katsotseroth 

        was the premier instrument of the priests.  Its function is similar to, but not 

        quite identical with that of the shopar. Trumpets were used in pairs from the

        very beginning.  These instruments were made of metal, bones, and shell. 

                   The tone of the trumpet must have been high and shrill.   As the in-

        struments were straight, they could produce some natural overtones.  In 

        the Dead Sea Scrolls, specifically the “War of the Sons of Light and the 

        Sons of Darkness” the trumpets were assigned a number of complicated 

        signals, which implies their ability to blow legato, staccato, trills, and ton-

        guing in unison.  In general they were used to terrorize & panic the enemy.

                   Another liturgical instrument is the shopar.  According to Joshua, 

        the shopar was a ram’s horn, but in the second temple the horns of the ibex

        or the antelope were used.  The synagogue, however, uses the ram’s horn 

        exclusively as memorial of the ram which replaced Isaac as sacrificial ani-

        mal.  All the various usages of the shopar can be viewed under one cate-

        gory: that of a signaling instrument in war and peace; it announced the new

        moon, the beginning of the Sabbath, the death of a notable; and it warned 

        of danger.

                   In its strictly ritual usage it carried the cries of the multitude to God; 

        God or God’s angel’s may also sound the shopar.  It is hardly possible to 

        consider the shopar a musical instrument.  It can produce just the first two 

        harmonic overtones, so we must conclude that the function of the shopar 

        was to make noise as a solo instrument.  After the destruction of the temple

        and the general banishment of all instrumental music, the shopar alone 

        survived, just because it was not a musical instrument.

                   11. Chordophones.

                                                Hebrew Vocabulary

        כנור (kin nor), harp, lyre                       שבכא (sa beh kaw), lyre 

         מנים    maw neem), stringed               שלשים (shaw lih sheem),          

              instruments                                        triangle or 3-stringed        

          נבל (naw bawl), lute                            instrument  

          פסנטרין (peh sah neh teh reen), psaltery, harp)                    

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                   Kinnor and sabeka are translated “lyre.”  The 1^st was the instrument

        of David and the Levites, considered the noblest instrument of all.  In the 

        temple never fewer than 9 lyres were in use.  The number of strings varies 

        from 3 to 12, depending on the symbolism being sought.  In Mesopotamia 

        and the Mediterranean’s eastern shore the lyre dates back to prehistoric 

        times.  The kinnor was played with the fingers or with a pick.  The earliest 

        Semitic representation of the kinnor has been found in Beni-Hasan’s fa-

        mous tomb of the 1900s B.C. 

                   The 2^nd instrument was the sabeka, which is translated as “trigon” 

        in the New Revised Standard Version.  We must rely upon the name’s an-

        cient source to determine its identification, as we have no representation 

        from authentic sources.   Not having a description of this instrument may 

        stem from the fact, that, like the ‘uggab flute, it was used by harlots’ musi-

        cians, and was disreputable.  It belonged to the instruments used in Baby-

        lon.  The shalishim comes from the Hebrew root-word meaning “3,” refer-

        ring to the triangular form or to the 3 strings of the instrument.  Not being 

        temple instrument, it was usually played by women.

                   The identification of the nabal is not absolutely certain.   It was a 

        stringed instrument which was frequently mentioned in the OT, and was 

        mainly an instrument of religious character.  Not unlike the lyre, the harp 

        was an instrument of the aristocratic hierarchy, and therefore often made 

        of precious woods and metals.  The harp was the favorite instrument of the

        Egyptians and generally well known in the ancient Near East.  In the tem-

        ple there were never fewer than 2 harps, rarely more than 6.

                   The pesaneterin was the old dulcimer and was found in the entire 

        area of the eastern Mediterranean since the first millennium B.C.  We find 

        it first on Assyrian reliefs, where it consists of a 61 cm.-long, 30.5 cm-

        wide resonator over which 10 strings are drawn.   The medieval Arabic san-

        tir was built on similar lines; this instrument was still played in the 1800s 

        A.D.  The collective term manim occurs twice, once each in Psalms 45 and 

        150.  Here the stringed instruments are used together with secular instru-

        ments.  The implication is that all the world, priest and layman alike, shall 

        praise the Lord.

                  The English word “bagpipe” is used to erroneously translate the He-

        brew word סומפונים (somefonim), because of a misunderstanding of the 

        Greek word used to translate it in the Primary Greek OT.   We are fairly cer-

        tain that, since it is the last term on the list of the Babylonian orchestra, it 

        was not an instrument but referred to the ensemble playing of all the 6 in-

        struments mentioned before it.   The English words “sackbut,” “viol,” and 

        “cornet,” are all fanciful mistranslations found in earlier English versions.

MUSICIANS.  See Asaph; David; Ethan; Heman; Jeduthun; Korah; Miriam.  

        See also Music.

MUSRI.  An Asia Minor region mentioned in cuneiform inscription and possibly

        also referred to in the Old Testament.  See Mizraim.

MUSTARD  (sinapi (sin ah pi), the shrub rather than the herb)   A sizable an-

        nual plant with very small seeds.  The word only appears in the sayings of 

        Jesus.  In the parable the emphasis is upon the growth of the kingdom  

        from small beginnings to the large, world-embracing events of the future. 

                   Much debate has raged over the literal implications of the parable, 

        which make the common mustard unsuitable for the illustration.  We know 

        now that the orchid seed, not the mustard seed, is the smallest.  The mus-

        tard does not grow to tree size, and being an annual plant it would not be 

        suitable for a bird’s nest.  If the text must be rendered “make nests in its 

        branches,” the only solution is to take the expression as hyperbole.

MUSTER GATE (שער המפקד (sha ‘ar  ha me feh kawd)  A gate in the north-

        east section of Jerusalem, restored by Nehemiah.  Perhaps this gate is the 

        same as the Benjamin Gate.

MUTH LABBEN.  See list of musical tunes in Music article.

MUTILATION.  Physical mutilation of the bodies of man and beast was not com-

        mon in biblical times, because of a belief in the sacredness of life.  Physi-

        cal defects disqualified a priest from serving at the altar, and it was forbid-

        den to sacrifice animals that were “mutilated.”

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                   The Hebrew prophets condemned the practice of self-mutilation, in

        which prophets like those of Baal “cut themselves after their custom with 

        swords and lances.”  Jeremiah recognized it as a sign of mourning among 

        the people of Shechem, Shiloh, and Samaria, and Moab.  Mutilation of the 

        bodies of enemies in time of war must have been common, as was the mu-

        tilation of criminals.  (See Crimes and Punishments).  Paul, in Philippians 

        3 and Galatians 5, seems to have thought of circumcision as mutilation.  

MUZZLE (חסם (khaw sam))  According to Deuteronomy 25, it was illegal to put 

        a muzzle on an ox while he was treading out grain on the threshing floor.  

        Jewish commentators have suggested that the law applied to any animal 

        doing work in connection with the production of foodstuffs.  The ox may 

        have received this treatment because he was held in high regard; the im-

        portance of calves in the practice of Yahwism in the northern kingdom of 

        Israel is some indication of this.

MYRA  (Ta Mura)  An important city of Lycia; one of the six largest and most 

        influential cities in the long-existing Lycian cities confederation, located on

        the River Andracus, about 4 km from the sea.   The ruins include a large 

        theater, many tombs, and inscriptions. 

                   The centurion charged with taking Paul and other prisoners to Rome

        put them on a ship of Adramyttium, which sailed from Caesarea north to 

        Myra.   Here the centurion took passage with his prisoners on an Alexandri-

        an grain ship which had crossed from Egypt to Myra, on its way to Rome. 

        Frequent sailing service between Lycia and Egypt, developed when the 

        Ptolemies ruled Lycia and continued under Roman control.   Nothing is 

        known of the presence of Christianity in Myra in the first century after 

        Christ.

MYRIAD (MuriaV, (meer ee as), 10,000, vast multitude)  Its literal meaning is

        10,000.  Sometimes it signifies more generally “countless” or “number-

        less.”   It has various translations in the New Testament.

MYRRH (לט (lote), ladanum; מר (mor); נשק (neh shek); smurna (smeer

        na))  While most translations have “myrrh” in Genesis,  the word lot is iden-

        tified with the fragrant gum of a species of “rockrose.”

                   Myrrh was the fragrant resin of a thorny bush native to Arabia, Abys-

        sinia, and Somaliland.  Apparently it was available in oil and solid forms, 

        & was prized as early as 2000 B.C.  Myrrh was an important ingredient of 

        the sacred anointing oil & in perfumes.  It was among the gifts given to the

        infant Jesus.  Jesus was offered “wine mingled with myrrh” on the cross.

MYRTLE (חדס (hah das))  A leafy shrub.  Myrtle branches were included with

        leafy branches for covering the booths at the Feast of Succoth.   Myrtle 

        growing in the wilderness is part of the end-of-the-age symbolism of 2nd 

        Isaiah.

MYSIA (Mursia) The northwest region of Asia Minor.   Its extent varied consi-

        derably, but the boundaries generally set were the Aegean Sea on the 

        west, the Hellespont, and Propontis on the north, Bithynia and Phrygia 

        on the east, Lydia on the south.  The region was not so fertile and prospe-

        rous as some other parts of Asia Minor.  In 133 B.C. the region was made 

        a part of the Roman province of Asia. 

                   Acts 16 tells of Paul’s first visit to Mysia.  He went northward until

        he was east of Mysia.  He intended to go further north into Bithynia, but in

        some way they were turned from this plan by the “Spirit of Jesus.”  They 

        passed by Mysia, and came to the port of Troas, where Paul received a 

        specific call to preach in Macedonia.

MYSTERY (סתר (seh tar), hidden things; Musterion, secret, hidden mea-

        ning)  Mysterion seems to be in its earliest known occurrences a genuinely

        Greek religious term, denoting secret rites or the implements or teaching 

        connected with them. There is a Hebrew word, setar, but the fact remains 

        that it was not an exact equivalent of the Greek.  It was perhaps not until 

        biblical Greek adopted the word mysterion that the biblical vocabulary pos-

        sessed a word meaning a “religious secret.”  Once it was in the Bible, it be-

        came especially a vehicle for conveying ideas peculiar to the biblical con-

        ception of revelation. 

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                   In the latter part of the Old Testament and the Apocrypha, mysterion,

        the word most often relates simply to ordinary “human” secrets.   In the 

        New Testament the word is used exclusively in religious senses.  First, it is

        something closely connected with revelation, a divine plan, concealed from

        all except the recipients of revelation.   In Mark 4 the meaning would ap-

        pear to be that the secret being revealed to this inner circle is that Jesus 

        himself in his ministry is to be identified with the kingdom of God.  

                   In Romans 11, the mystery is a special aspect of the divine evange-

        lic plan.  In I Corinthians 2 and Ephesians 6, “mystery” means simply the 

        gospel.   Elsewhere in Ephesians the mystery is, in particular, that aspect 

        of God’s evangelic plan which consists of the unification of the universe.  

        In Colossians 1 and 2, the divine secret, long hidden but now divulged, 

        seems to be boldly identified with Christ himself. 

                   We should also include the “mystery of lawlessness” in II Thessalo-

        nians, a kind of satanic parody of God’s mystery, a plan which must be 

        discovered before it can be ultimately destroyed.  Other examples of the 

        use of “mystery” are in:  Romans 16; I Corinthians 4; Ephesians 1, 6; 

        I Timothy 3; and Revelation 10.    Another sense seems to be closer to a 

        more private, exclusive, less “secret,” although is it is still a religious se-

        cret.  Examples of this are in: I Corinthians 13, 14, and 15; and possibly 

        Romans 11.  In Ephesians 5, mystery may signify the “inner meaning” of 

        a passage whose more obvious and literal sense is something else.

                   From its early pagan religious use in allusion to the Greek mystery

        cults, the word “mystery” moved to a general, secular usage in the sense 

        merely of “secret,” but it was taken up by the literature of revealed religi-

        on for a special meaning in connection with God’s “open secret.”  Christi-

        anity also used it for special secrets divulged by God to chosen vessels, or

        for the inner meaning.   The way is thus prepared for the post-biblical 

        usage in application to the sacraments.

     

MYTH, MYTHOLOGY.  In the narrower sense, a myth is a story about gods or

        other superhuman beings.  In the broader sense, myth is that expression 

        of the creative imagination, which interprets the real in terms of the ideal.  

        Thanks to Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Hittite, and Canaanite literature, it is 

        now possible to recognize in the Bible several traces of ancient Near Eas-

        tern mythology.

                   Direct parallels—These are represented principally by:  Yahweh’s 

        fight against the Dragon; the Creation and Paradise; and the Deluge.  The 

        Dragon story, pieced together from scattered passages tells how Yahweh 

        primordially fought a monster variously termed Leviathan (Job 3; Ps. 74; 

        Is. 27); Rahab (Job 9 and 26; Ps. 89; Is. 30 and 51); Tannin or Dragon 

        (Job 7; Ps. 74; Is. 27 and 51); Yam or “Sea” (Job 7; Ps. 74; Is. 51; Habak-

        kuk 3) or Nahar (Ps. 93; Hab. 3).   In Is. 51, Yahweh overcame it by hack-

        ing it to pieces.  According to Job 7, he merely kept it under restraint, and

        it is destined to break loose and renew the fight, though abortively.

                   All this is simply the Hebrew version of the story told in the Ugari-

        tic Myth of Baal, which finds parallels in:  the Mesopotamian tale of Mar-

        duk’s combat with Tiamat; the Hittite tale of the storm-god and the dragon

        Illuyankas; the Sumerian myth of Ninurta’s vanquishing Asag; the Egyp-

        tian myths of Re’s fight against Apep and Horus’ fight against “the Caitliff”. 

                   The parallels cover not only broad themes but also specific details.  

        The Ugaritic texts used the same labels for the monster as Isaiah 27.  And 

        the idea that it was merely held captive, but destined again to break loose, 

        features prominently in the Iranian version.  The myth was probably de-

        signed in the first place to symbolize the annual subjugation of the swollen 

        rivers and winter floods.

                   Creation and Paradise stories likewise hew close to ancient Near 

        Eastern myth.  The notion that man was formed out of dust occurs in the 

        Babylonian myth of Atrahasis.  The idea that man was formed to tend the 

        garden of God accords with the Assyrian myth that he was created to “car-

        ry the basket and seed-bag . . .”  The concept of the tree of life is in the 

        Mesopotamian glyptic.  Egyptian sculptures show the pharaoh beside a 

        sacred tree in the company of divine beings.   In the Celtic paradise of Ava-

        lon, gods and men partook of the life-giving nuts of the hazel tree.

                   The biblical story of the Deluge is dependent on the earlier Mesopo-

        tamian myths of the Epic of Gilgamesh and the Legend of Astrahasis, be-

        cause the details are similar.  The Old Testament (OT) writers sometimes 

        manipulate time-honored myths to fit their own outlook, such as the He-

        brew role of The Flood being that of ruling creation vs. the Mesopotamian

        role of the Deluge being that of performing menial cleansing chores for 

        the gods.  The Hebrew identified the divine bow with the rainbow and not 

        a constellation; and they take it to be a sign of God’s promise not to send 

        another flood, rather than a divine weapon hung in the sky as a warning.

                   Allusions and figurative expressions—Familiar throughout the 

        ancient Near East was the story of a primordial revolt in heaven.  Psalm 

        82 speaks of Yahweh sentencing certain upstart minor gods, and Isaiah 14

        compares an arrogant king of Tyre to Helal who was thrust down to the 

        nether world.   Another version of the revolt depicts the offense of the 

        heavenly beings as consorting with human women, and is related briefly 

        in Genesis 6.  The Israelites seem also to have inherited a number of star 

        myths in Job 38, which refers to the Pleiades, Orion, and the Great Bear 

        and her “children.”  The Hebrew name of Orion (keseel or fool) implies a

        myth associating giants with fools. 

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                   Traces of ancient Hebrew hero myths may be detected in Enoch 

        and Nimrod (Genesis 5 and 10).  The use of the name of David to indicate

        the future messianic king probably reflects a version of the widespread 

        myth that great national heroes don't die, but will return in an hour of need.

        The tradition that a man’s strength lies in his hair is, in fact, widespread in 

        folk tale and explains the shearing of Samson’s locks.   Allusions to traditio-

        nal Near Eastern myths are found in the riddles of Proverbs 30. 

                   Attempts have been made to detect in the OT traces of the ancient 

        Near Eastern myth of the dying and reviving god (i.e. Tammuz, Osiris, Ado-

        nis), who allegedly suffered an annual passion and resurrection.   It has 

        been claimed that this figure underlies the Suffering Servant of Isaiah 53, 

        & that the Song of Songs (Solomon) is an adapted version of ritual chants 

        used in the cult of the divine lovers Ishtar and Tammuz.  

                   All love songs are bound to sound alike, so the similarity proves no-

        thing.  The Suffering Servant may be derived more plausibly from the mis-

        shapen man or condemned felon of the Babylonian Akitu, and the pharma-

        kos in Greece, who sometimes served as a human scapegoat at ancient 

        seasonal festivals.   Finally, the marriage of Yahweh and Israel in Hosea 

        symbolizes only a tie of affection and loyalty, not fertility.   Actually, the 

        very existence of an ancient Near Eastern myth revolving around the 

        theme of a god who annually dies and revives has recently been called into

        question.

                 A further vestige of ancient myth has been recognized in the famous 

        prophecy of Isaiah 7:  “A virgin shall conceive and bear a son.”  This has 

        been linked, with great probability to the fairly widespread ancient myths, 

        such as Iranian lore of the Savior, and Vergil’s Fourth Eclogue, which re-

        spectively describe the virgin-born hero and the Miraculous Child who 

        will bring a New Age.

                   Poetic imagery is everywhere a rich repository of traditional myth.  

        The description of the Promised Land as “flowing with milk and honey,” 

        uses a common mythological feature of the earthly paradise.  Thunder is 

        the voice of God.  The wind is winged as in Mesopotamian and Sumerian 

        myth, and in the widespread belief that storms are caused by the flapping 

        of the wings of a giant bird.   The sun, too, is said to be winged (Malachi 

        4), as in the “winged solar disk” portrayed in Egyptian and Mesopotamian

        art. And gods are said to hold assembly on a mountain in the north.   Ugari-

        tic, Mesopotamian, Egyptian, Indic, and Iranian mythology all share this 

        image.

                   The Book of fate is an image shared by Hittites, Teuton, & Romans, 

        where the gods inscribed the course of men’s lives.  There are also in the 

        OT sundry references to such demonic figures of ancient mythology as Li-

        lith and Resheph.   Errors in copying and word division have obscured 

        other allusions.   In Psalm 68, where the God of Israel is “he who rides  

        through the deserts,” after it is corrected becomes “he who rides upon the 

        clouds,” a common designation of Baal in the Ugaritic myths.   And the 6-

        letter Hebrew word mayisrael (from Israel), when it is divided into three 

        words, becomes mai sher El (For who is El, the Bull?)

                   Another type of mythological allusion is represented by the tenden-

        cy of OT writers to portray historical events in language reminiscent of tra-

        ditional myths.  Yahweh’s leading his people to the mountain of his inheri-

        tance may be an allusion to Baal in the Ugaritic myth of his victory over 

        Yam, or of Marduk being enthroned in the newly built shrine of Esagila. 

        And in accordance with the developing notion that history is a cyclic rather

        than a linear process, the future Golden Age is frequently portrayed as a 

        repetition of primordial or primeval events recorded in traditional myth 

        and saga.

                   Most of the mythological passages of the OT occur in books usually

        dated during or after the Babylonian exile.   There is also abundant evi-

        dence that as early as 1000-2000 B.C., the myths of the various ancient 

        Near Eastern peoples circulated freely beyond their native borders.  Why, 

        then is this mythological heritage more evident in the later portions of 

        scriptures?  

                   According to W. F. Albright, this was due to a general archaistic 

        trend which swept the Near East in the 600s and 500s B.C.  In Israel, it 

        found expression especially in the work of the Deuteronomists, and was 

        continued through the desire of the Jews to recapture the glories of the 

        past.  To these theories may be added the further consideration that mytho-

        logical material is more naturally embodied in poetry, and OT poetry just 

        happens to be mainly of this later date. 

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                   Mythology in Ritual and Interpretation—Modern anthropology 

        have shown that myths are commonly recited among primitive peoples at 

        seasonal festivals.   The literary myths that have come down to us may re-

        present refined and sophisticated versions of more primitive compositions.

        It has been suggested that some of the OT psalms may really be mytholo-

        gical chants designed for the New Year celebration.  Some psalms (Psalms

        29, 93) might even be blatant adaptations of earlier Canaanite hymns. 

                    In appraising this hypothesis, however, it is important to draw a 

        sharper distinction between the myth which survives in poetry and myth 

        which survives in ritual.  According to some scholars, the myth is simply 

        a later explanation of the rite; for others, rites were essentially enactments 

        of myths.  The truth would seem to be, however, that neither is actually an

        offshoot of the other.  Myths are the “long-shot” view, and rituals are the 

        “close up” view of the same thing.

                   It has been pointed out that myth issues from an activity of the hu-

        man mind distinct from that which produces philosophy or speculative 

        thought, and that its most natural medium is artistic fancy.   A growing 

        awareness of this fact has led several modern scholars to interpret diverse 

        utterances of the Old Testament prophets in a mythic rather than a solely 

        historical context.  It may be objected, however, that this method of inter-

        pretation fails to distinguish properly between metaphor and literary bor-

        rowing.   The common main-spring of poetry and myth must be recog-

        nized; the former does not have to be derived from the latter.

                   Equally precarious is the older tendency to apply comprehensive 

        theories of mythology to the stories of the OT, to see in the patriarchal 

        and monarchical narratives the converting of standard mythic heroes like

        Gilgamesh or Heracles into historical figures.  The same astral figures 

        were not recognized everywhere.  Theories believing such are themselves

        little more than armchair constructions of ancient and primitive data.

                   It is well known that the New Testament stories of the Virgin Birth

        and of the death and resurrection of Jesus possess parallels in ancient reli-

        gious mythologies.  Either the unique historicity of the gospel narratives is

        held to be quite independent of mere mythological analogues, or an at-

        tempt is made to strip the character and identity of Jesus of all “mythic” 

        traits.

                   In considering this problem, one should bear in mind that events of

        the past can be religiously significant and relevant now only insofar as 

        they are lifted out of their time and taken as symbols of continuing, uni-

        versal situations, which is precisely the function of myth.  Myth, therefore,

        is the supreme vehicle of the Word, and indeed of all religion.  

                   The exodus of the Israelites has been transfigured by myth into a 

        symbol of his people’s continuous experience, an evidence of God’s conti-

        nuous design and providence.  By the same token, the story of Jesus be-

        comes religiously significant to a Christian only when the man of Nazareth

        is regarded as incarnating an ideal represented as the Son of God.  For if 

        the Bible is the Word of God, it is a word just as much as it is of God; it 

        must speak in the idiom of its day and age.   The Spirit must assume the 

        calculated risk that it may at times be smothered by the mortal clay into 

        which it is breathed. 

MYTH IN THE NEW TESTAMENT (NT).  An invented story, fable, tale, legend.

        The obvious NT understanding is that myth is to be rejected as a form of 

        dangerous or foreign teaching.  Modern historians of religion use the word

        as a technical term for that literary form which tells about other worldly 

        things in this-worldly concepts.  Myth expresses truth in a hidden or indi-

        rect language.  It is agreed among NT scholars that earliest Christianity 

        used myth and mythological patterns in its writings, but it isn't agreed as to

        how to interpret myth in order to preserve the deeper truth in it. 

                   The concepts of the world's origin in the NT is carried over from the

        Jewish tradition.  The conception of the universe is not scientific but mytho-

        logical.   While Greek and Jewish mythology gave detailed descriptions of 

        the world of Hades, the NT writers are restrained.   The same is true for 

        heaven and eternal life.   Only Revelation gives a fanciful design of an 

        otherworldly city. 

                   The earth also is scarcely seen in the NT in mythological terms, 

        and a nature mythology is lacking.  The primary interest is in man.  Angels 

        are God’s servants and proclaim coming events.  They punish the disobedi-

        ent man and protect the obedient believers in Christ.   On the other side 

        there are demons under the leadership of Satan, tempting man and often 

        regarded as the cause of sickness.  Thus the healing miracles of Christ are 

        understood as his victory over Satan’s demons.

                   The question is how far this cosmic mythology expresses a dualism 

        in connection with the origin of the world or is taken up only as the common

        picture-language of the age.  The origin of dualism seems to be the Iranian 

        myth.   In early Christian literature one feature is obvious in spite of all 

        mythology: God is the creator and only designer of the universe.  Thus we 

        must conclude that the NT's cosmic mythology is used as a means of com-

        mon language and doesn't demand  dualistic conceptions of its meaning.

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                   In Matthew 24 “the sun will darkened, and the moon will not give 

        its light, and the stars will fall from heaven, . . . and they will see the Son 

        of man coming,” we have both Iranian astrology and Jewish mythology.  

        No doubt, earliest Christianity believed in the actual and factual occurren-

        ces of this prophecy.   There can be no question as to whether Jesus pro-

        claimed God’s kingdom as coming.   The point of the proclamation of 

        God’s kingdom is not how God will do it, but the religious truth that God 

        will establish God’s reign.  The truth of God’s coming action is decisive.  

        The Synoptic gospels, Paul, Peter’s letters, Hebrews, and Revelation all 

        set forth a cosmic drama myth.  Jesus explicitly rejects any human recko-

        ning of its arrival time.

                   The Christological myth developed after Jesus’ crucifixion and re-

        surrection.  The faith in Jesus as the Messiah and Son of God, as redee-

        merand coming judge of the world, led to the pictures of his supernatural 

        birth, to the empty tomb stories, to the idea of a descent into Hades.  NT 

        Christology shows a lot of interpretations.  Jesus appears as the adopted 

        Son; his pre-existence is affirmed.  In Revelation 12 we have a complete 

        picture of the Christ event.   Today there is agreement that we have Chris-

        tian and non-Christian sources enough to reject the doubts of Jesus’ actual 

        existence.  On the other hand, non-historical features were added to his 

        life, so that an increasing tendency can be seen to emphasize the superna-

        tural and miraculous aspects.

                   Theological responsibility forbids the method of just eliminating 

        all those passages which we regard as bound to a concept of tri-partite 

        world.   How can we preserve the Christian faith's theological essence 

        without demanding the acknowledgment of the mythological pattern in 

        which it is presented?  Can we retain the deeper truth of the resurrection 

        of Jesus as Christ without taking the emptiness of the tomb as a historical 

        fact; the truth of Jesus as the Son God without the virgin birth; the truth 

        of the coming kingdom without the apocalyptic panorama?   There are

        enough obstacles of faith without demanding absolute belief in Jesus' 

        story exactly as presented, in mythological, time-bound language that is 

        not part of Christ Jesus' essential proclamation as the crucified and risen 

        Lord. 

                   The program of seeking truth starts with recognizing that all mytho-

        logy expresses a truth, though in an obsolete way.   It is impossible and 

        meaningless to demand belief in the Bible’s mythological parts; the con-

        cept of the universe has changed radically.   Most of our NT’s mythical 

        parts are pagan in their origin and not an inherent part of the Christian 

        message.   The leading question in dealing with myth must be:  What is 

        principally said about human existence with God, of human self-understan-

        ding in the midst of this world and history?  In answering this question and

        taking this approach, three questions must be answered:

                   Don't we artificially modernize and thus falsify the NT message 

        by interpreting myth?—All interpretations throughout history are the re-

        sult of a personal dialogue with the texts.  Interpreters take part in the pro-

        blems their sources presents and try to understand it for their own situation.

        The NT not only permits but demands the interpretation of myth and be-

        gins this task itself.   Only a consistent method of interpretation can over-

        come the many pictures and overlapping titles that are rooted in different 

        traditions.

                     Can we ever dismiss the mythical language and symbolic pic-

        tures as a vehicle of religious thought?—Separating the truth from the 

        myth does not intend to eliminate the poetic language of the myth, but to 

        clarify the spiritual message the myth contains.  Symbols are needed; yet 

        they must be understood as symbols and not misunderstood as fundamen-

        tal definitions.

                   Since myth is worldly speech about non-worldly things, how 

        can separating the truth from myth preserve the proclamation that 

        God acted with humans in Christ Jesus?—The speaking of God as ac-

        ting with humans is neither symbolic nor mythological, but means an ob-

        jective fact.   Yet it involves thinking of the God-human relationship in 

        terms analogous to the relation between a human “I” and “thou.”

                   The intent of separating truth from myth is to set forth how the NT

        “good news” affects us now.  The critics with a more fundamental back-

        ground reject separating truth from the myth by saying that the objectivity

        of sacred texts is dissolved in subjectivity; they disregard the necessity of 

        interpretation that is part of examinations of biblical text.  Liberal critics 

        say that separating the truth from myth is not radical enough.

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